Suchergebnisse

Der Autor untersucht die Möglichkeiten einer rationalen Umweltpolitik unter der Bedingung, dass der öffentliche Gesamthaushalt möglichst wenig belastet wird. Er unterzieht dabei die These, dass die Anwendung des Verursacherprinzips das öffentliche Budget weniger belastet als die Anwendung des Gemeinlastprinzips einer kritischen Würdigung.

Wie kann man eine Geschichte der Bevölkerungen schreiben? In den Jahrzehnten nach dem Krieg kommt die Antwort von Louis Henry am INED, der eine historische und überwiegend statistische Demographie begründet, die in den Arbeiten von Fernand Braudel und der Schule der Annales aufgegriffen werden. In den 1980er Jahren jedoch durchläuft die Disziplin eine Periode der Verunsicherung: die von Michel Foucault beeinflusste Dekonstruktion der Kategorien, die Kritik des Objektivismus, die von der Statistikgeschichte aufgedeckten, unsicheren ideologischen Wurzeln der Demographie (Natalismus, Eugenik, Wille zur biopolitischen Kontrolle). Um zu verhindern, dass die Reflexivität an die Stelle der Wissensproduktion tritt, werden neue Methoden (die Mikrogeschichte) und neue Studienobjekte (die Institutionen) eingeführt. Auf die frühere historische Demographie folgt eine soziale und politische Bevölkerungsgeschichte. Ihr Ziel ist die gleichzeitige Konstruktion von Institutionen, Politiken und Wissen im Bereich der Bevölkerung. Der von Malthus bekämpfte Condorcet, Achille Guillard, Erfinder des Wortes Demographie und selbstverständlich Maurice Halbwachs haben die 'soziale' Beschaffenheit der Bevölkerung formalisiert. Im Gegensatz zu den soziobiologischen Versuchungen der Gegenwart stellt die organische Verbindung zwischen Bevölkerung und sozialer Sicherung die Frage nach der Selbst-Kreierung der Gesellschaft. ; During the first decades following World War II, population history was dominated by the model of 'historical demography' designed by Louis Henry at INED, and taken over by Fernand Braudel and the Annales school. But in the 1980s, the Henry model was called into question by deconstructionist approaches derived from Michel Foucault, and by critics against objectivism. At the same time, history of statistics discovered the ambiguous ideological roots of demography (pronatalism, eugenics, biopolitical thought). To pick up again, the discipline introduced new methods (micro-history) and new issues (institutions). As a result, nowadays, historical demography is more and more replaced by a social and political population history. It focuses on how institutions, policies and knowledge devoted to populations construct each other in an interactive, simultaneous process. Condorcet, who was fought against by Malthus; Achille Guillard, who coined the word 'demography', and of course the Durkheimian sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, have formalised the 'social' dimension of population. Contrary to current sociobiological temptations, the deep, organic tie between population and social protection raises the fundamental issue of how society endlessly shapes itself.

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: 1.1 Motivation and objective of thesis: According to the German government the future German energy mix shall be mainly based on renewable energy sources. Offshore wind energy plays a key role in this new energy strategy and is expected to provide the major share of renewable energy to be produced in Germany in the future. Nevertheless, the German offshore wind energy sector has developed much slower than expected, despite considerable supporting efforts taken by the government. Compared to other European countries, there is only little installed offshore wind energy capacity available in Germany today, but the German legislator's medium-term growth targets for this industry are enormous. In this context, the following two questions are to be asked: Does the German government turn a blind eye to the contradictory development just mentioned and/or is there reason for hope that the German offshore wind energy sector will accelerate and grow much stronger in the future? The purpose of this thesis is to describe the general conditions applicable in Germany, which a project developer or potential investor has to consider when planning an offshore wind park (OWP) in the German exclusive economic zone (EEZ). Furthermore, it analyses specific challenges related to the realisation of such kind of projects, identifies existing problems, and outlines possible solutions where appropriate. In doing so, the following chapters will mainly focus on the political environment for the offshore wind energy industry in Germany, the relevant legal framework applicable when realising an OWP, as well as on the bankability challenges a project developer might be exposed to when trying to secure a debt financing for an OWP project in Germany. Apart from giving a theoretical overview about the main subjects referred to above, this thesis also tries to address recent developments one can observe in practice. Hence, personal interviews have been conducted with experienced practitioners to get a better picture of the current market situation in general and possible future developments, as well as to get a practical insight into the mandatory OWP approval process and the recent perceptions and sentiments of banks involved in the financing of OWP in Germany. 1.2 Structure of thesis: The following Section 2 contains definitions of some key terms used throughout this thesis. Subsequently, a brief illustration of the European and German offshore wind energy market is given to get a better idea of how Germany is currently positioned in this field among its peers. From an OWP investors' point of view, a stable and supporting political environment considerably reduces the political risks related to such kind of projects, which is usually an important pre-condition for major investments in this field. Section 3 deals with the political environment OWP project developers or investors are exposed to in Germany and particularly focuses on Germany's offshore wind energy strategy as well as on the German government's recently introduced new energy concept, which is mainly based on renewable energy sources. In addition, a wise OWP project developer should also be familiar with all relevant legal statutes when planning an OWP and consider all important legal aspects in his project plan accordingly. Section 4 discusses the legal framework applicable in Germany when intending to realise an OWP in the German EEZ. The main focus is laid on the Renewable Energies Act, RE-Act (Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG) and the wind energy priority areas in both the North and the Baltic Sea, which have been defined by the legislator in the course of its spatial planning. Subsequently, this section outlines the mandatory approval process necessary for the realisation of an OWP project, containing, inter alia, references to the relevant legal statutes and a detailed description of each individual approval phase. The investment volume for a German OWP can easily amount to EUR 1 billion (bn) or more and thus normally requires also a sufficient amount of debt to be injected into the project. Hence, it is also of utmost relevance for an OWP project developer to be very well aware what has to be done to arrange for a project structure which is bankable at the end, in order to be able to secure the debt financing needed. Section 5 addresses bankability issues related to the realisation of an OWP in the German EEZ and contains an evaluation of the banks' main financing challenges, an outline of applicable banking standards for OWP projects to be considered by the project developer to secure a successful project placement, as well as a brief description of some peculiarities one should be aware of when it comes to granting or taking collateral over assets located in the German EEZ. Finally, Section 6 concludes with a summary of the main outcomes and results developed throughout this work.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: AbstractI AcknowledgementsII List of FiguresVI List of AbbreviationsVII 1.Introduction1 1.1 Motivation and objective of thesis1 1.2 Structure of thesis2 2.Offshore wind energy in Germany - a pioneer industry in the renewable energy sector3 2.1 Definitions4 2.1.1Renewable energy and wind energy4 2.1.2Offshore wind generator and offshore wind park4 2.1.3Territorial Sea4 2.1.4Exclusive Economic Zone4 2.2The European and German (offshore) wind energy market5 2.2.1(Offshore) wind energy in Europe5 2.2.2(Offshore) wind energy in Germany7 3.The political environment for offshore wind energy in Germany10 3.1Influence of international and European climate policy12 3.1.1Kyoto Protocol12 3.1.2Relevant EU legislation13 3.2Government policy and support in Germany13 3.2.1Germany's offshore wind energy strategy13 3.2.2Germany's overall energy concept before Fukushima14 3.2.3Germany's overall energy concept after Fukushima17 3.3 Chapter summary and outlook20 4.Legal framework and approval process for the construction of OWP in the German EEZ21 4.1Legal framework21 4.1.1Renewable Energies Act21 4.1.2Energy Industry Act29 4.2 Getting approval for the construction of an OWP33 4.2.1Legal basis and main applicable statutes34 4.2.2Phases of the OWP approval process44 4.3Outlook49 4.4Chapter summary53 5.The bankability of OWP projects in Germany54 5.1OWP (project) financing in Germany: major challenges andbankability issues56 5.1.1Wind prognosis56 5.1.2Technology57 5.1.3Installation59 5.1.4Insurance60 5.1.5Grid connection61 5.1.6Operation Maintenance (OM)63 5.1.7Overview of results65 5.2Financing OWP in Germany66 5.2.1Typical banking standards in OWP financings67 5.2.2Project placement68 5.3 Security package69 5.3.1Usual elements of security in OWP project finance70 5.3.2Taking collateral in the German EEZ70 5.4Chapter summary and outlook72 6.Summary74 BibliographyIX AppendixXVITextprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3., The political environment for offshore wind energy in Germany: An unexperienced investor might wonder what politics have to do with the successful realisation of an OWP, which seems to be a purely commercial project at first glance. However, in practice a positive political environment, i.e. one which is supportive and reliable, is very important for the success of such kind of projects. This is even more so when technologies in their early development stage, such as the offshore wind energy sector, shall be financed with no recourse to the project sponsors (i.e. by the use of a project finance structure). Hence, a positive attitude of politicians towards the subject matter is essential for many reasons: They can put issues on the political agenda which are important for the offshore wind industry or refrain from doing that, they can be supportive when it comes to the identification of new marine offshore wind energy sites or not, they can arrange for an efficient and fast OWP approval process with less bureaucracy or fail to do that, they can pass encouraging legal reforms (e.g. implement adequate fixed feed-in tariffs) or not, and introduce other supplemental measures supporting the development of the industry or just leave it. Therefore, it should be worthwhile for an OWP investor or project developer to spend at least some time to make himself familiar and comfortable with the respective political environment in the course of his project due diligence. With its overall energy policy, the German government aims to secure an affordable and reliable energy supply for the industry and private consumers in Germany, strengthen the economy by the development and use of state-of-the-art renewable energy technologies and consequently implement its climate protection targets (Klimaschutzziele). However, apart from its own national political goals, the German legislator needs also to consider the requirements of applicable existing international and European agreements as a factor in its policy making, such as the Kyoto Protocol or relevant EU legislation, which are briefly introduced in the following Section 3.1. The subsequent Section 3.2 describes in more detail the national strategies and policy measures set by the German government. The development and use of renewable energy technologies in general has been promoted by the legislator already since 1990. However, having been a highly risky and unproven technology, for long time the offshore wind energy sector played only a marginal role despite its huge potential. To specifically push the developments in this field, the German government introduced an offshore wind energy strategy in 2002 (Section 3.2.1). Since then further policy measures have been implemented, which, inter alia, had (significant) influence on the offshore wind industry too. The main cornerstones have been the new energy concept of the German government introduced in September 2010 (Section 3.2.2) as well as the additional governmental measures (Maßnahmenpaket) passed after the disastrous nuclear accident at the Fukushima power plant in Japan in March 2011 (Section 3.2.3). 3.1, Influence of international and European climate policy: 3.1.1, Kyoto Protocol: With the ratification of the internationally applicable Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change ('Kyoto Protocol") passed in 1997, the EU gave a joint binding commitment to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 8% compared to 1990 levels until 2012, which was later distributed between the EU member states by a burden sharing agreement setting the individual reduction target for Germany at 21%. Thus, every EU member state was required to implement adequate measures to be able to comply with its respective emission reduction target. Germany was successful in this respect, by promoting, for example, renewable energy technologies (including the wind energy sector). By the end of 2009, German greenhouse gas emissions had already been reduced by approximately 29% compared to 1990 levels. 3.1.2, Relevant EU legislation, In addition, the EU determined for each member state an individual national target for its respective share of energy from renewable energy sources in gross final energy consumption (Endenergieverbrauch) to be reached until 2020. The individual target for Germany was set at 18%. By the end of 2010, Germany reached a share of about 11%. In order to meet the aforementioned target at the end of this decade, Germany has to continue with taking supportive measures and additional efforts. As we will see in the following section, the constant promotion of renewable energies, and the offshore wind energy sector in particular, is one of the main cornerstones of the German government's energy policy to achieve both compliance with its climate protection and emission reduction goals and a successful implementation of its new energy policy (i.e. the transformation of the existing energy mix mainly based on fossil and nuclear sources into an energy mix with its main focus on renewable sources).

Thomas Kron: Gesellschaftsspiele mit Ambivalenz – Zum Tode von Zygmunt Bauman Eckhard Dittrich, Jürgen Feldhoff, Markus Pohlmann, Gert Schmidt: In memoriam Philipp Hessinger Habilitationen 6. Demografie-Preis für Nachwuchswissenschaftler 2016/2017 Call for Papers Die soziale Konstruktion des Raumes oder die räumliche Konstruktion des Sozialen Trends in inequality: social, economic and political issues Entfremdung. Und wovon eigentlich?! Jahrestagung der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Objektive Hermeneutik Tagungen Society through the Lens of the Digital Gemeinwohl und Eigeninteresse (Un)Making Europe: Capitalism, Solidarities, Subjectivities Quality of Life: Towards a Better Society Contested Borderscapes: Transnational Geographies vis-à-vis Fortress Europe

An die historische Erfahrung der Gleichursprünglichkeit von Theater und Politik in der attischen Polis schließt die Grundintuition der Arbeit an: Auch das Stadttheater in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland sei nicht nur eine Kulturkonsumnische oder ein Bildungsbürgerritual, sondern es bilde einen öffentlichen Raum, in dem politisch kommuniziert wird. Der empirischen Validierung dieser Intuition widmet sich eine Fallstudie, der Begriffsklärungen bezüglich politischer Öffentlichkeit vorausgehen. Diese orientieren sich am Stand der Forschung und Theorie an Hannah Arendts Begriff des Politischen, mit entsprechenden Gegenbegriffen des Konsumismus und Ritualismus. Das grundsätzliche Maß, welches die Realität des Theaters als politische Öffentlichkeit angeben kann, ist dabei die Struktur und Reichweite seiner Kommunikationen. Bezüglich des Begriffes "Öffentlichkeit" schließt die Arbeit an Jürgen Habermas und andere den Bereich normativ konzipierende Autoren an. Öffentlichkeit ist ein diskursives (reflexives) und darstellendes (präsentierendes) Netzwerk verschiedener "Arenen" und "Galerien" (Jürgen Gerhards) mit individuellen "Backstages" (Produktionsstrukturen; Bernhard Peters). Ein Bereich ist "öffentlich" insofern Sprecher ihre Beiträge auf ein Publikum ausrichten (Arena) und dieses Publikum diese Ausrichtung auch versteht (Galerie). Die politische Öffentlichkeit rahmt ihre Themen als Probleme des Gemeinwesens. "Kulturelle Öffentlichkeiten", in denen Form der Darstellung und "Kathexis" (Parsons), also affektive Besetzung der Handlungen zum Thema gemacht werden, dienen potenziell als Produktionsstruktur einer solchen politischen Öffentlichkeit, indem sie lebensweltliche Erfahrungen mit Strategien zugänglich und 'diskursfähig' machen, die der politischen Öffentlichkeit im engeren Sinne fremd sind. Die Rekonstruktion eines Begriffs des Politischen hält aus der aristotelischen Tradition einerseits fest, dass es um eine kollektive Selbstbestimmung, um einen "Raum gemeinsamer Angelegenheiten" geht. Insofern hängt der Begriff mit dem der Öffentlichkeit zusammen. Zweitens stellt politische Kommunikation den unhintergehbaren (wenngleich manipulierbaren) Bezug auf ein ethisch Richtiges her. Die Einsicht in die Pluralität der Perspektiven und Meinungen steht als drittes Definiens in einer Spannung zu dem vierten eines "agonistischen", in Entscheidungsalternativen polarisierten Raums (C. Schmitt u. a.). Im Gegensatz zu diesen Merkmalen stellt der "Konsumismus" Bezüge ausschließlich zu individuellen Präferenzen her und formuliert diese normativ neutral sowie (tendenziell) nicht-argumentativ und nicht-exklusiv. Im Gegenbegriff des "Ritualistischen" hingegen verschwindet die reflexive und pluralistische Dimension; das Gesellschaftliche wird hier auf das Gemeinschaftliche zurückgeführt. Bevor dieseBegriffe in der Fallstudie empirisch angewandt werden, verdeutlichen exemplarische historische Exkurse ins Theater Athens, des Elisabethanischen England und das Deutschland des 19. Jahrhunderts die Relevanz der Fragen nach der Kommunikationsstruktur der theatralen 'Sprecher' und ihrer Publika, wobei über die letzteren systematisch weniger bekannt ist. Am griechischen Theater wird der Bezug auf gemeinsame Angelegenheiten, am elisabethanischen die Pluralität der Sichtweisen, am deutschen die Ambivalenz zwischen aufs Private zielendem Bildungsauftrag und ritueller Gemeinschaftsbildung hervorgehoben. Das Theater der Bundesrepublik wird als Erbe des bürgerlichen Theaters, dessen Normativität in der mediatisierten Erlebnisgesellschaft unter Druck gerät, vorgestellt. Das "Stadttheater" wird als Typus von anderen Öffentlichkeiten abgegrenzt (wie der Freien Szene oder den Metropolentheatern), um klar zu machen, womit die Fallstudie sich beschäftigt. Die Fallstudie im westdeutschen "Mittelstadt" untersucht Kommunikationen des Theaterbetriebs (Interviews mit Produzenten; teilnehmende Beobachtungen), der Rezipienten (Zuschauerinterviews) und der Arena selbst (Inhaltsanalyse von Texten der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit). Von Interesse sind dabei sowohl Wissen wie Einstellungen der Befragten, also Informationen über Realia wie Desiderate. Die Analyse mit MAXQDA ist dabei qualitativ mit quantitativen Elementen, deren Gesamtbild eine Gewichtung der verschiedenen Kommunikationstypen möglich macht. Politische Attributionen finden sich, außer in Teilen der PR, deutlich stärker ausgeprägt als konsumistische. Ritualistische Vorstellungen und Vorgänge sind randständig. Diskurse haben einen wichtigen Stellenwert sowohl für Macher wie Publikum; reflexive Anschlussfähigkeit des von ihnen Vorgeführten und Wahrgenommenen wird von ihnen geschätzt, aber wegen verschiedener Hemmnisse in der Produktionsstruktur nicht durchweg genutzt. Am Ende der Arbeit werden die überwiegend positiven Befunde bezüglich politischer Kommunikation am Stadttheater der Bundesrepublik noch einmal kritisch auf ihre Reichweite hin befragt. Dabei wird der offenkundige Verlust ritueller Gemeinschaftsbildung im theatralen Feld als möglicherweise doch bedenklich für die Erneuerung politischer Öffentlichkeit gewertet. Eine neue Zentralität der in der Fallstudie oft randständigen Aufführungen und ihres kathektisch-repräsentativen Potenzials wird ins Visier genommen. Die Schwierigkeiten kultureller und politischer Öffentlichkeit, sowohl in die Breite der Gesellschaft wie in die Tiefe des individuellen Verständnisses hinein "bildend" zu wirken, werden angesprochen. ; In this dissertation, I explore how the link between politics and theatre - which share a common origin in the Attic democracy - is preserved in contemporary Germany, i.e., whether theatre still serves as a "political public sphere" (the overall title of the thesis). In order to do so, the notions of "public sphere" and "the political" are thoroughly defined by revising useful elements provided by sociological and political theory. Following Habermas and other German authors, I understand "public sphere" as a network consisting of "arenas" (speakers) and "galleries" (audiences) who produce discourses and presentations and react to them, with part of the production occuring non-publicly "backstage". While political publics frame their dis-courses as related to contentious issues of the polity, cultural publics concentrate on the for-mal aspects of presentation and on the emotive interface between the individual and society ("cathexis" in Parsonian terms). Political communication, more specifically, is understood here as discourse which relates (1) to the polity and (2) to what is good or bad for it, presenting arguments in a (3) pluralistic way, and with (4) potential polarization regarding the different alternatives. Hannah Arendt's view on the political sphere is a central inspiration for criterion [3], noting that there is a tension between this plural exchange of perspectives and the polarization criterion, which leads to diffcult trade-offs. As an antonym, "consumerist" communication is only related to indi-vidual preferences and indifferent to arguments and normative alternatives. "Ritualism", on the other hand, is akin to the political, but lacks the decisive feature of pluralism. The terrain for the empirical study is then paved by looking at exemplary stations of occi-dental theatre, namely the Athenian, the Elizabethan, and finally the German national theatre of the 19th century. The increasing ritualism of the latter is seen as the normative ancestor of contemporary state-subsidized staging in the Federal Republic of Germany. Among the different types of theatres to be found here, the typical "Municipal Theatre" is singled out as a public of local reach and importance (distinguished, e.g., from the "Metropolitan Theatre" with nation-wide frames and impacts). The discussions in that section make clear that the case study carried out in "Mittelstadt" is a typical one in many respects. The case study, operationalizing "the public" and "political communication" through a semi-quantitative content analysis of interviews (with producers and audience members) as well as of PR-related texts, finds clear evidence for both actual pluralistic discourse and reference to society, and - even stronger - for normative striving toward such kind of discourse. The "productive structure" of the Municipal Theatre imposes certain constraints on the reali-zation of said normativity, though, which result in shortcomings of dialogue and lacking of necessary knowledge about the communication partner (mostly about the audience in the case of producers). A missing centrality of the actual theatrical piece, the presentation, within the audience's discourse is a particularly critical finding. In the very last section, however, I put the overall positive findings of the case study into perspective. Firstly, I question whether the virtual 'withdrawal' of ritualistic elements can be assessed as entirely beneficial for the effectiveness of theatre as a cultural and political sphere (which re-opens the debate on the possibility and conditions for a "linguification of the Sacred" found in Durkheim and Habermas). Secondly, I make the point that the act of demonstration, of "showing" something - located at the heart of theatrical representation - harbours a specific political potential, but only if it is understood and received as a speech act in need of public interpretation. Thirdly, I reconsider the often noted tension between an in-depth elaboration of issues, on the one hand, and the inclusion of ever more topics and voices, on the other. While this tension is inherent to every public and not really dissolvable, in contemporary German theatre it might be advisable to emphasize the "Bildungsauftrag", the mandate for aesthetic in-depth education, instead of striving for an overproduction of discursive offer-ings and activities.

As nuncio in Munich and Berlin, Eugenio Pacelli had dealt with political issues far beyond the usual scope of his nunciatures. The Papal Secretary of State entrusted him with concordat negotiations with various European countries as well as with foreign policy issues of international significance. This was due not only to Pacelli's special expertise but also to the period of major upheaval during and after the First World War and Berlin's key geopolitical position as a hub linking the East and the West. It is therefore not surprising that in the papal representative's correspondence, the Soviet question, as well as the immediate consequences of the Paris Peace Conference, were the clear focal points of his international attention.

This volume, which can also be used as a manual due to the linking of its contents, shows how dynamics of space and gender also affect contemporary political issues. - Jeder Ort, jeder Körper steht in Verbindung zu anderen und wird erst in diesem Gefüge von Relationen zu sich selbst. Dieser Band entwirft Fluchtlinien im Doing Space while Doing Gender. In einem ersten Buchteil stellen Beiträge zentrale Begriffe wie »Exposure«, »Materialität« oder »Transsektionalität« vor. Ein zweiter Buchteil versammelt Studien – etwa zum Heiratsmarkt Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts, zu queeren Körpern in New York oder der Lyrik Gloria Fuertes'. Durch die inhaltliche Verlinkung der Beiträge ist der Band auch als Handbuch nutzbar, soll zur Diskussion einladen und zeigt an vielen Stellen, dass Dynamiken von Raum und Geschlecht nicht zuletzt politische Fragen der Gegenwart betreffen.

Dieser Sammelband enthält acht Beiträge zur gesamtwirtschaftlichen Allokation, welche vorwiegend die globale Aufteilung der knappen Ressourcen auf den privaten und den öffentlichen Wirtschaftssektor, teilweise ergänzt um einen intermediären Bereich, beinhaltet. Die Autoren suchen normativ nach Bedingungen und Strategien für eine, im Sinne der jeweiligen Zielsysteme, wünschbaren Allokation. Dabei steht die theoretische Analyse von Fehlallokationen und das Aufzeigen von konstitutiven Koordinationsmängeln bestehender Allokationsmechanismen vielfach im Mittelpunkt der Überlegungen.

["Response by Father Peterson, Confessor to the King of England, responding to the June 10, 1688 letter from Father la Chaise, Confessor to the King of France. Regarding the details of the discovery and birth of the young Prince of Wales, as well as other political issüs. Printed…in the year 1688, the same year the betrayal was discovered."] Ongoing correspondence between Father Peterson of England and Father de la Chaise of France, 1688. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Foreign Language B1F26 ; Florida Atlantic University Digital Library Collections

Verdeutlicht wird, dass bei Traumata ein dialektisches Spannungsverhältnis besteht zwischen Innenperspektive (der des leidenden Subjekts) und Außenperspektive (objektive Situation), zwischen belastenden Umweltbedingungen und subjektiven Bedeutungszuschreibungen sowie zwischen Erleben und Verhalten. Vor dem Hintergrund dieses Zusammenspiels wird der traumatische Prozess verstanden als Versuch, die überwältigende, oft unverständliche Erfahrung zu begreifen und in das Selbst- und Weltverständnis zu integrieren. Die durch das Trauma aufgeworfenen Probleme sind meist nicht durch die betroffene Person allein zu bewältigen, Verarbeitungs- und Selbstheilungsversuche haben eine soziale Dimension. Es wird gezeigt, dass Personen von Krieg, Verfolgung und Flucht - auch innerhalb einer Familie - unterschiedlich betroffen sind. Auswirkungen von Gewalt, die Eltern erlebt haben, werden anhand von drei Fallbeispielen aus verschiedenen Krisenregionen dargestellt. Ferner werden ein interaktives Entwicklungsmodell psychopathologischer Phänomene erläutert und das doppelte ABCX-Familienstressmodell skizziert. Abschließend werden Grundzüge psychotherapeutischer Interventionen bei der Behandlung von Flüchtlingskindern und ihren Familien erläutert.

In his main work of the Twenties, the baroque tragedy "Der Turm", Hugo von Hofmannsthal broaches the topic of a very "singular" place: a tower as the jail of an innocent prince in the Kingdom of Poland in the 17th Century. Unlike his literary source, "La vida es sueño" by Pedro Calderón de la Barca, and as the title suggests, Hofmannsthal's Turm centres on this "singular" place as well as on prince Sigismund's destiny as an allegory of the political issues of the 20th Century. Hofmannsthal's answers to these issues in his late literary writings and essays focus on a cultural utopia based on the concept of a plural Europe, a concept which refers to the past of the Habsburg monarchy but at the same time is projected towards an ideal future. This article dwells on the tension between the singular place mentioned in the title of Hofmannsthal's "Turm" and the plural idea of Europe which constitutes the theoretical background of this drama, with regard to Hofmannsthal's cultural-political projects in his late work from the 1st World War onwards.

Der Begriff der Subjektkonstituierung bezeichnet die Entwicklung von Identität, d. h. den Prozess des Werdens. Um diesen Prozess zur Entwicklung einer Identität durchlaufen zu können, wird ein Leben in Freiheit vorausgesetzt. Vor diesem Hintergrund stellt sich die Frage, wie die Subjektkonstituierung von Personen, die innerhalb eines repressiven Regimes leben, erfolgt. Während des letzten Militärregimes in Argentinien (1976 – 1983) wurden politische Gegner als "subversive Feinde" (Conadep 1984, 9) definiert, verfolgt sowie in politischer Gefangenschaft gehalten und erlitten Misshandlungen und Verletzungen, die oft mit dem Tod endeten. Zu den Folgen des Militärregimes gehören 30.000 Desaparecidos (Verschwundene), über 500 Kinder von Desaparecidos, die unerlaubt zu Adoption frei gegeben wurden, sowie Menschen mit Biografien, die eine Zäsur erlitten haben. Diese Studie ist ein soziologischer Beitrag zur Aufklärung der Vergangenheit in Argentinien. Anhand von 24 narrativen Interviews mit Frauen, die ein solches Schicksal erfahren haben, wird in dieser Studie die "Subjektkonstituierung von Frauen in politischer Gefangenschaft während des Militärregimes 1976 – 1983 in Argentinien" untersucht. Die genaue Auswertung des Interviewmaterials ermöglicht, Wege und Mechanismen der Subjektkonstituierung unter repressiven Verhältnissen sowie deren Folgen zu erkennen. Bei der Analyse dieser Biografien wird die These vertreten, dass die politischen Gefangenen trotz der repressiven Verhältnisse handlungsfähig blieben. Diese Studie ist theoretisch in Michel Foucaults Machtanalytik (1994; 1999) sowie sein biopolitisches Konzept (1999) und Agambens Erweiterung dessen (2002) eingebettet. Foucault beschreibt in seinem Spätwerk die Subjektkonstituierung als "doppelte Bewegung", von Unterwerfung und Widerstand, worin sich Subjekte in Beziehung zu Machtverhältnissen entwickeln. Der Begriff Biopolitik bezeichnet demnach eine produktive Machttechnologie (seit dem 18. Jh.), welche die Probleme der Bevölkerung als zentrale Machtinteressen erkennt, wobei die Norm anstelle des Gesetzes greift. Das Leben und nicht der Tod ist das zentrale Element dieser neuen Machtform; um das Leben zu schützen, werden blutige Kriege geführt. Agamben übernimmt Foucaults Ansatz und erweitert diesen, mit der Ansicht, dass "die Produktion eines biopolitischen Körpers die ursprüngliche Leistung der souveränen Macht" (Agamben 2002, 16) sei. Anhand von Agambens Theorie der Ausnahme wird diskutiert, ob das Militärregime in Argentinien eine ähnliche Ausnahmesituation war, in welcher die politischen Gefangenen als Homines Sacri zu verstehen sind, die über ein "nacktes Leben" verfügten. Um entsprechende Fragen beantworten zu können, werden die Widerstandspraktiken der Interviewpartnerinnen in politischer Gefangenschaft untersucht. Die hier vorgenommene Untersuchung gibt zugleich eine Antwort auf die Frage, ob in einer totalitären Herrschaft die biopolitischen Elemente einer Gesellschaft nicht verschwinden, sondern auf andere widerständische und subversive Felder ausweichen. ; The concept of subject constitution describes the process of identity bilding, the process of beeing. To undergo this process it is necessary to live in freedom. Against this background we ask the question how work the subject constitution of people, who live in a repressive Regime. During the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976 – 1983) the political opponents were identified as a "subversive enemy" (Conadep 1984, 9) and became victims of persecution, ill-treatment and torture, many were put to death. As a consequences of the military dictatorship 30.000 Desaparecidos 'the disappeared' are missing, over 500 of the Desaparecidos children were taken for adoption without the parent's permission and many Identity´s were this way change ore broken. This sociological study ist a contribution to the clarification of Argentinas recent history Based on 24 narrative interviews carried out with women, who are victims of such a destiny we analyze the "Subject constitution of women in political captivity during the military regime 1976 – 1983 in Argentina". By analizing the interviews we get the possibility to recognize the way and mechanism of subject constitution during a repressive dictatorship and its consequences. The analysis of this biographies derives from the idea, that a political prisoner can maintain his agency within a repressive dictatorship. Michel Foucaults Power knowledge (1994; 1999) and his concept of Biopolitcs (1999) as well asAgambens (2002) explanation of biopolitics provide the theoretical foundation of this study. In his work Foucault describes the process of subject constitution as a "double movement". He shows how it includes submission and resistance and where the subject get in relation with power. The concept of Biopolitics describes a productive powertechnology (since 18.th century). In this concept population is the most important issues of power and the law ist being replaced by rules. In Biopolitics to save the life is the most important issue of Power. Agamben takes Foucault's concept and expands it with the point of view that "the production of a biopolitical body ist the original capacity of a sovereign power" (Agamben 2002, 16). With Agambens theory of the exepction we want to examine if the term Homines Sacri, as someone left with only his/her "bare life" can be applied to the political prisoners analy during the military dictatorship in Argentina To answerer this question we analyze the resistance practises of women, who have been political prisoners during that period. The study focusses on the question whether the elements of biopolitics continue to exist under a military dictatorship, by transfering into subversive spaces and hence keep on existing in the society.

Papua New Guinea (PNG) stretches eastward on the huge, bird-shaped island of New Guinea, which lies north of Australia. After British and German colonial rule, followed by Australian administration, PNG achieved independence in 1975. PNG inherited the Westminster Model of parliamentary democracy, and it is among the few countries of the Third World in which democratic patterns persisted without interruption or serious threat despite some social and political problems. Free elections are not the only, but an essential criterion for a functioning democratic system. The first free national election in PNG's postcolonial history was held in 1977. In 1997, about 3.2 million Papua New Guineans participated in the fifth parliamentary election since independence. With reference to the 1997 election this essay outlines the cultural, social, and political issues that accompany the realisation of democratic principles in PNG.

"Structural circumstances as well as political traditions in the Saarland have favored the election of the Christian Democrats since the 1950s. Due to the governing parties' bad appearance, regional political issues determined the election campaigns in 2012. Aiming at forming a grand coalition, both Social Democrats and CDU strove for becoming the strongest party. The governing CDU sustained its position and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer therefore is still the prime minister of the Saarland. But the SPD was also able to enhance its result distinctly and joined the Saarland' first grand coalition. While the increase of the Left Party was stopped and the Green Party barely managed the five-percent-hurdle, the Liberal Democratic Party was thrown out of parliament by the voters. Many unsatisfied young citizens finally made the Pirate Party Germany the biggest winner of the election." (author's abstract)