Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between political connections and overinvestment in Indonesia as a democratic, multi-party and developing country. This study uses sample of 1,044 and 543 firm-year observations from listed firms on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2012 to 2017. A two-stage model is used to address overinvestment, which used two different measurements, then continued by ordinary least square regression to establish the main analysis result. This study finds that political connection is negatively associated with overinvestment in Indonesia. We also find that this negative association is increasing due to the existence of governance mechanism from both external and internal parties of the firm. Our results indicate that the significant negative associations between political connections with overinvestment, which later is strengthen by governance mechanism might be caused by several differences in institutional setting and/or political connections benefits between the previous research in China and with the place where this research is taken. This paper could give insights in decision-making for stakeholders to anticipate certain harmful issues to the companies that might be occurred by their politically connected top management like directors and commissioners.

Currently there are no indicators that can measure the effectiveness of the role of ASEAN in Southeast Asia, especially those related to human security issues in the safety of labor and migrants' mobilization. However, ASEAN still working through any possibilities of cooperation to prevent any threats that would endanger the personal securities of ASEAN community. This paper will further analyze the human security issues in Southeast Asia starting with conceptualizing, identifying, and engaging to find how is the effectivity of ASEAN in charge of prevent human security issues from sociology of law perspective with normative-juridical methodology combined with perspective of international relation approach. Based on the findings in conceptual and data, this research will show the problems that have been handled and have not been done by ASEAN institutionally. In addition to showing the relevance of the establishment of ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) 2015 as an affirmation for all ASEAN member countries to respond to institutional human security issues especially in the mobilization of labor and migrants.

Abstract: The issues related to political dowry are interminable. This interminability is the result of an indication of political dowry every time a general election or local election is held. Based on that background, this article describes the political dowry's detailed problems. In the beginning, the writer describes the definition of political dowry and its differences from political cost, the reasons for the restrictions, and the law enforcement on political dowry. It ended with some efforts to prevent political dowry.It is found that the definition of political dowry is different from political cost. The regulations restrict the practice of political dowry, but not for the political cost. The political dowry is restricted by law because it is against the national law's interest, which is the interest to have qualified and fair general elections and local elections. Heretofore, there is no legal punishment for the practice of political dowry due to the difficulty to prove the practice. There are some efforts to prevent the practice of political dowry: First, giving intensive supervision from The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and its subdivisions; Second, revising the regulations in the Law of the Local elections for nominating the candidates; Third, revising the regulations in the law of political parties for nominating the candidates of the president and local government; Fourth, assigning the time limitation for the political parties to accept the political cost; and Fifth, enhancing the legal awareness of all parties involving in the practice of general elections or local elections.

"Bringing space back" into comparative politics is a difficult task, perhaps inevitably accompanied by various substantive and methodological problems. This paper introduces the concepts of "territorial homogeneity" (of D. Caramani) and "party nationalization" (of M. Jones and S. Mainwaring), both of them dealing with political parties as actors and territorial space as an environment in which they operate. Our aim is to identify some of the typical issues/ matters (selection of cases, elaboration of relationships among variables) any researcher who would try to conceptualize the relationships between political parties and territorial units has to cope with. In respect of issues in question the solutions offered by Caramani and Jones&Mainwaring often seem neither intercompatible nor fully satisfactory. This may raise the question about inevitably ethnocentristic nature of the "homogeneity concepts". We further extend our methodological note, limiting -rather than delineating- the areas of possible use of the homogeneity concept for the post-communist countries, arguing that sensible comparisons would require much better control for intervening institutional variables- a task which is almost impossible to achieve with such a heterogeneous sample. ; "Bringing space back" into comparative politics is a difficult task, perhaps inevitably accompanied by various substantive and methodological problems. This paper introduces the concepts of "territorial homogeneity" (of D. Caramani) and "party nationalization" (of M. Jones and S. Mainwaring), both of them dealing with political parties as actors and territorial space as an environment in which they operate. Our aim is to identify some of the typical issues/ matters (selection of cases, elaboration of relationships among variables) any researcher who would try to conceptualize the relationships between political parties and territorial units has to cope with. In respect of issues in question the solutions offered by Caramani and Jones&Mainwaring often seem ...

This research analyzes international refugees' presence in Indonesia, which gives local challenges for the Indonesian subnational Government as a transit location. This research uses a paradiplomacy perspective to analyze the West Jakarta Government's response to the foreign refugees in its territory. West Jakarta is one of the Administrative Cities in the Special Capital Region of Jakarta. This research uses a qualitative research method. The research data sources were collected and analyzed from literature studies, current news, and socio-political theories. This research found that West Jakarta Government's paradiplomacy occurs due to differences in regulations applies. Moreover, this process can be parallel alongside the Central Government (Indonesian Government) in handling refugees in their territory following a local-regional wisdom approach. The West Jakarta Government's paradiplomacy carried out by coordinating the distribution of aid to refugees, working with stakeholders in handling international and national refugee issues, and managing refugee handling policies in transit locations where refugees live, especially in Kalideres, West Jakarta, Indonesia. These handling efforts aim to prevent horizontal conflicts between refugees and local people and achieve subnational interests in the form of support materially, financially, and politically. ; Penelitian ini menganalisis keberadaan pengungsi internasional di Indonesia yang memberikan tantangan lokal bagi Pemerintah subnasional Indonesia sebagai lokasi transit. Penelitian ini menggunakan perspektif paradiplomasi untuk menganalisis respon Pemerintah Jakarta Barat terhadap pengungsi asing di wilayahnya. Jakarta Barat merupakan salah satu Kota Administratif di Daerah Khusus Ibukota (DKI) Jakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Sumber data penelitian dikumpulkan dan dianalisis dari studi literatur, berita terkini, dan teori-teori sosial politik. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa paradiplomasi Pemerintah Jakarta Barat terjadi karena adanya perbedaan regulasi yang berlaku. Apalagi, proses ini bisa paralel dengan Pemerintah Pusat (Pemerintah Indonesia) dalam menangani pengungsi di wilayahnya dengan pendekatan kearifan lokal-regional. Paradiplomasi Pemerintah Jakarta Barat dilakukan dengan mengkoordinasikan penyaluran bantuan kepada pengungsi, bekerja sama dengan pemangku kepentingan (stakeholders) dalam penanganan permasalahan pengungsi internasional dan nasional, serta mengelola kebijakan penanganan pengungsi di lokasi transit tempat tinggal pengungsi, khususnya di Kalideres, Jakarta Barat. Upaya penanganan ini bertujuan untuk mencegah konflik horizontal antara pengungsi dan masyarakat lokal serta mencapai kepentingan subnasional dalam bentuk dukungan material, finansial, dan politik.

Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.

Research on political speeches is often done in countries with strong presidential powers, typically in the USA. However, political speeches by presidents are also a critical method of influencing public opinion in the Czech Republic. Therefore this article is focused on the analysis of speeches of the former President of the Czech Republic, Vaclav Klaus. Our research is based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis of Klaus' speeches (thematic units are used as the unit of analysis) found on his website (www.klaus.cz) in the period from 1995 to the end of his presidency, March 2013 (N = 470). We aim to identify the changing structure of political issues in Klaus' speeches and changes in Klaus' position on those issues, and to uncover any characteristic features of his speeches (the use of personal pronouns, the role of the speaker, the tone of the speech, etc.). Adapted from the source document.

Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of consumer-style thinking on electoral behaviour. A new trend in political marketing – political branding – aims to correct precisely this deficiency. Due to the fact that the relevant research in the field of political branding and its impact on the voting behaviour of individuals is still in its infancy, we are faced with a lack of robust theoretical foundations. The text thus aims to clarify this situation by gathering and analysing existing branding concepts, pointing to their strengths and weaknesses. Also, it contributes to the theoretical discussion by linking research on political branding to existing theories of voting behaviour, asking whether the related branding concepts are able to explain the voting behaviour of voters as well as whether they are open to further amendments and modifications. ; Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of ...

The article analyses how the standpoints of political parties on energy related issues are formed. The effect of the process of forming these standpoints on energy policy in general in the Czech Republic, the divergence among ideologies (coming out not only from the election programs), and other factors, as well as the parties' ideological continuity in time are particularly emphasized. The analysis comes to the conclusion that energy related issues are important for each political party but not crucial. In addition, it is concluded that parties are internally consistent, their standpoints are based on ideology, and they are all rather constructive in policy formulation. An interesting conclusion is also the fact that energy policy in the Czech Republic is generally highly personalized, thus strongly influenced by particular individuals.

A review essay on a book by Adam Swift, Politicka filozofie: zakladni otazky moderni politologie ([Political Philosophy: Basic Issues of Modern Politology] Prague, Czech Republic: Portal, 2005). References.

Příspěvek se zabývá problematikou vývoje finančního systému zemí Evropské unie (EU) se zvláštním zaměřením na řešení stávající krize. V první řadě posuzuje smysluplnost a dosavadní postup v naplňování projektu "Eurozóny", včetně procesu postupného zavádění jednotné evropské měny. V souvislosti s tím je provedena analýza dosavadního vývoje v Evropské unii se zvláštním zaměřením na specifikaci soudobých ekonomických problémů, jež se v současnosti řeší prosazováním tzv. "záchranných" opatření. Jelikož se jedná o nestandardní politická rozhodnutí s mimořádně významnými ekonomickými a společenskými dopady, je jejich obsah analyzován v systémových souvislostech, s cílem zhodnotit jejich přínosnost, resp. rizikovost nejen s ohledem na budoucí hospodářský vývoj Evropské unie, ale též z hlediska prospěšnosti s ohledem na evropské obyvatelstvo a lidskou společnost. ; This paper deals with the development of the financial system in the European Union (EU), with a special focus on solving the current crisis. First, assess the current and meaningful progress in the implementation of the "Eurozone", including the process of the gradual introduction of the single European currency. In this context, an analysis of current developments in the European Union with a special focus on the specification of contemporary economic problems that are currently being addressed by promoting the so-called. "Emergency" measures. Since it is an unusual political decisions extremely important economic and social impacts, the content is analyzed in system contexts, to assess their usefulness, respectively. risk not only with respect to future economic development of the European Union, but also in terms of usefulness with regard to the European population and human society.

The article attempts to interpret changes in the character of communication strategies applied in election competitions during the 20th century. The most important change seems to be shift from cleavage-based to issue-based communication in election campaigns. Such a shift can be interpreted as the result of modernization process (individualizing) & the growing rationality of both factions: voters tend to support specific political parties expecting certain benefits, whereas political parties tend to emphasize those issues which can satisfy voters' demand. Over time, particular issues can, on the basis of successfully executed policies, be "transferred" into the ownership of specific political parties. When the communicated issue is salient, the issue ownership can bring advantages in polling. This brings a new dimension to party competition: Now parties have to compete with other agenda setters for (issue) dominance in the public, media & political spheres. Adapted from the source document.

The main goal of the article is to highlight the marked difference between two understandings of geopolitics and space in general the understanding that is present in the field of geography and the understanding that is present in the field of International Relations. Whereas in International Relations (namely in the case of neorealists) space is conceptualized as a material, objective entity, in the field of geography there has been a shift toward a conceptualization of space as an inter-subjective entity. It follows that in the case of neorealists there is some (usually unintentional) tendency to revive (neo)classical geopolitics, or at least some of its basic assumptions. On the other hand, contemporary geographers have adopted a boldly critical approach toward (neo)classical geopolitics. Geographers consider (neo)classical geopolitics as potentially dangerous because of its justification of the conflictual discourses prevailing in international politics. The question remains whether the geographical neglect of objective space does not undermine the ability of critical geopolitics to effectively intervene in practical political issues. Adapted from the source document.

Článek se soustředí na důrazy na výchovu a vzdělávání obsažené v politických programech pěti největších stran první československé republiky. Vychází z oficiálních stranických dokumentů, jako byly volební programy, rezoluce schvalované na sjezdech nebo prohlášení významných představitelů strany. Ačkoliv nelze už ze samé podstaty dokumentů předpokládat, že všechny postuláty v politických prohlášeních skutečně měly vliv na vzdělávání, zachycují vývoj uvažování o výchově vzdělávání jako o součásti kulturní politiky. Přestože vybrané strany uvažovaly o výchově a vzdělávání velmi podobným způsobem a zabývaly se stejnými problémy, uplatňovaly nezřídka odlišné důrazy. Cílem příspěvku je popsat stranické koncepce vzdělávání ve vztahu k ideovým odlišnostem a širšímu kulturnímu i politickému kontextu. ; This paper focuses on educational goals that were emphasised in the political programs of five the largest political parties of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The article is based on official documents of political parties such as programs approved by party congresses and election programs or statements of prominent party representatives. The character of all those documents was influenced by the goal to form statements and inform party members or persuade possible voters. It means those documents are subjective and their content was not necessarily a political commitment. Therefore it cannot be assumed that all the postulates in the programs had a real influence on the education. On the contrary the documents depict the development of the considerations about education as a part of cultural policy. Political parties of the First Czechoslovak Republic were considering education in very similar way and in continuity with development before 1918. They were concerning about same issues especially in the social context but with different emphasises. This contribution aims to describe the party-specific concepts of education in relation to the ideological peculiarities of the individual parties and their cultural and political context.

The paper deals with issues of conceptualization of regional parties & regional party arrangements. Regional parties could be defined briefly as independent formations with regional identity, region-based legitimacy & region-based electoral resources. The territorial aspect of their identity & of their modus operandi is the crucial one in this respect. Regional parties must not be mistaken for regional branches of state-wide or supra-regional parties, which are not fully autonomous, independent units. Similarly, it is necessary to distinguish between regional party systems & regional party subsystems. The basic difference between them consists in the presence or absence of relevant regional party or parties. The paper argues that new suitable conceptual frameworks are needed to develop a sophisticated explanation of various combinations of the systemic properties of regional parties & of their patterned interactions within regional as well as state-wide party arrangements. A multi-level approach should be fostered which would enable to assess thoroughly the differing opportunity structures & the nature of territorial-political operational space of regional parties. This might result in the making of complex models of territorial & party-political pluralisms. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.