Suchergebnisse

How political scientists appear in different media & how these appearances may result in distorted information is analyzed. Scientists may present their research, comment on ongoing political issues, or lift up particular issues to public debate. Adapted from the source document.

The Democracy Commission's case for participatory democracy is criticized. Participatory democracy undermines the political equality of the citizens, & requires a prevalent interest in public affairs that does not exist today. A compulsive & professional use of opinion polls on current political issues would be a better way to strengthen public political influence between elections. Adapted from the source document.

Since the 1990s, the Swedish school system has become increasingly more diversified. Decentralization, the introduction of private schools, the challenge of globalization & increased ethnic diversity among pupils have contributed to an increasing heterogeneity. This project analyses the prospects for civic education in different institutional settings & contexts, in both public & private schools. Using unique survey data 1999 & 2009 we ask which effects different institutional settings have on "citizen competences," i.e., civic engagement, political efficacy, knowledge about democracy & political issues, & democratic values & tolerance. The project breaks down into three distinct but interrelated parts. The first deals with changes over time in young Swedes' civic competences. The second subproject focuses on the way & consequences when controversial issues are taught in different schools & institutional settings. The third sub-project adds a comparative perspective by analyzing similarities & differences among young people & schools in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland & England. Adapted from the source document.

This article confronts some general methodological issues involved when analyzing 'euroscepticism,' ie., opposition to European integration. Reviewing the literature on party-based & public euroscepticism, the article proceeds with a presentation & critical examination of conceptual frameworks & models suggested in previous research on public attitudes towards the EU. Drawing on eg., the Eurobarometer surveys, the strengths & weaknesses of different analytical frameworks arc demonstrated. The article concludes with a discussion about measurement issues related to empirical analyses of public opposition to European integration. Adapted from the source document.

This article contains an overview of how the study of human rights issues has developed into a separate multidisciplinary field of academic study & education in Sweden. Its relationship to the different fields of political science is outlined, as well as general problems of a multidisciplinary subject. Three contributions to an edited volume containing Swedish & foreign scholarship on human rights issues drawn from the Swedish Forum for Human Rights, a biannual gathering of practitioners & scholars, are discussed. Those contributions deal with the tensions between universalist & relativist approaches to the character of human rights, the tensions between the development of international law & power relations in international politics, & tensions between group rights & individual rights. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Over the last decades there has been a growing interest in normative theory within the social sciences in general & political science in particular. Timeless questions of good & bad, right & wrong, & of the nature & justification of the good society -- of what the good society ought to be -- have thus surfaced again. However, not much has been written on the specific methodological issues that arise when explicitly approaching normative questions on social scientific, i.e. systematic & inter-subjective, grounds. Departing from a reflection concerning the conceptual meaning of norms & values -- the anchor of normative analysis -- & by confronting different axiological positions, this essay formulates a few guiding principles for a normative methodology. These principles include requirements on internal validity (accuracy, consistency, clarity, coherence, & intersubjective reasoning) as well as external validity (external justification, plausibility, & empirical relevance). 46 References. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this document is the following investigation: Political scientists who study environmental issues face major challenges. One is that much future research needs to be developed -- for example, that we may help to better determine and predict the conditions for developing countries and future generations for living a decent life -- in close collaboration with other natural sciences. The thesis postulates that such cross-faculty interdisciplinary research is challenging and will shift our methodological and epistemological bounds. One consequence of this may be that some of our discipline's more well-rehearsed truths about what constitutes good science -- for example, questions about a scientific problem is, whether to research results that can serve as a guide for policy makers, the explanations of historical processes are preferable to forward-looking issues and that we would be better to work with well-defined cases and data than try to give us the and explore large systems (theories) -- can be questioned. Adapted from the source document.

A reply to Marie Demker on Swedish, European and international political science arguing that while Demker's analysis points towards potential real problems, these issues are not as pronounced as one might believe. It is problematic and innovation threatening that theories and models in political science are driven by social scientists in the United States. However, it is not true that Sweden in this case would merely become a case study; instead Swedish political scientists are experts in the political relations of Sweden and this information can directly benefit the political scientists in other countries and thus advancing the science. While English is clearly the linuga franca of our time, Swedish is still the most popular dissertation language and Sweden is by far the most common research subject in Sweden. L. Pitkaniemi

The spatial theory of the functionality of representative democracy (Down, 1957) is one of the most known positive theories in political sciences; however, its correspondence with reality in certain issues is questioned. This project explores three different explanations for this phenomenon: 1) the theory is partially based on unrealistic assumptions, 2) the methods supporting the theory are based on unrealistic assumptions, & 3) certain observations leading to the idea of non-correspondence with reality are based on a simplified view of the theory. A common denominator for the explanations is that they question established assumptions of determinism, & will hopefully contribute to a deeper development of the theory, its methods, & how can it predict reality. References. Adapted from the source document.

Five parties held (almost) all seats in the Swedish Riksdag between 1921 & 1988. Although contenders have been around since the mid 60's, it took until the elections of 1988 & 1991 for three newcomers to make a breakthrough: Miljopartiet (1988), Kristdemokraterna & Ny Demokrati (1991). This article examines the serious challengers that emerged in the early 2000s, i.e., Junilistan, Piratpartiet, Sverigedemokraterna & Feministiskt initativ. How did they emerge, what issues & ideas do they represent, & what characterizes the voters that are attracted by them? The articles' main focus is on the last question. We conclude that although there are variations between the supporters of the four different parties, they share some common properties. The typical contender- voter is a young man that is uninterested in politics, has a low education & is poorly integrated into the labor market. Adapted from the source document.

While there is a general definition of democracy, in more than 2000 years of its existence there are still many questions lingering about issues such as: which individuals (if any) should be excluded from collective decision making, the role of experts, should decisions be made by popular vote or through representatives, etc. The article is a follow-up of a previous study entitled "The potential of the local democracy," & explores what representatives themselves think of democracy & the democratic decision making process. Local politicians will be asked about their idea of 1) democracy in general, 2) concrete approaches to strengthen democracy, 3) their vision of citizens' role in democracy, 4) their actual actions towards citizens. The study will consist of interviews of approx. 3000 local (city, county, & region) representatives. References. Adapted from the source document.

The constitutional development & the parliamentarianism in Sweden since 1970 can schematically be divided into two periods. The first period was 1970-1990. The second was initiated in 1990. 1970-1990 stands out as a 'classical' period to the new constitution with its unicameral system & exact proportional representation above a 4 per cent threshold. The formation of government was mainly based on blocs with sharp opposition, although in combination with negotiating parliamentarianism in the Riksdag. In their years of parliamentary majority, 1976-1982 & 1991-1994, the right-wing patties introduced considerable constitutional changes which the social democrats in opposing position accepted. From 1990 & onwards, it is above all the disrupting EU dimension which generates new constitutional changes concerning the politico-economic institutions. The European influence in legal matters is regulated, as are the EU-processes between government & parliament. Moreover, the electoral period is extended by one year & an element of personalized voting is introduced. Both the vote of censure & the instrument of consultative referendum attain a partially new constitutional character through the development of praxis. One can also identify a series of minority governments (right-wing 1991-1994 & social democratic since 1994) with prolonged partial coalitions grounded on different issues, & with all the parties of the Parliament involved in different areas. The EU dimension is central in this respect too. The constitutional changes, the new form of parliamentarianism & the EU processes strengthen the government. In this period too, questions can be raised regarding the role of the opposition in Swedish parliamentarianism. References. Adapted from the source document.

While the Right has, since the turn of the cent, seen the number of its voices & seats in the 2 chambers of the Swedish Parliament diminish regularly, 1928 seems to be exceptional for the success of this party in the elections for the second Chamber. The propaganda that was used may explain this revival. The study was made using 3 conservative journals which are considered to be representative. Pol'al & soc events of 1928 were presented as evidence of collusion between the socialists & the Swedish & Russian Communists. The question of royal succession, the opposition of the socialists to gov projects for labor legislation, the strikes in the pulp paper industry & in the mines (the latter supported by Russian unions), the issue made by the socialist of the mobilization of dockworkers, & the attitude of the socialists in matters of national defense-all of these were stressed in the 3 journals. All of them were used as evidence of the close regard for Sweden of the Soviet regime. During the election campaign, this attempt to magnify the issues took 3 forms: (1) the cooperation between socialists & Communists was violently denounced, (2) a social-democratic victory was considered to be a means for Communists to control the gov, & (3) the other bourgeois pol'al parties were also attacked because of their attitude in the preceding legislature. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.