Social media provides ethno-racial immigrant groups—especially those who cannot vote due to factors such as lack of citizenship and limited English proficiency—the ability to mobilize and connect around collective issues. Online spaces and discussion forums have encouraged many Asian Americans to participate in public policy debates and take action on social justice issues. This form of digital group activism serves as an adaptive political empowerment strategy for the fastest-growing and largest foreign-born population in America. Asian American Connective Action in the Age of Social Media illuminates how associating online can facilitate and amplify traditional forms of political action. James Lai provides diverse case studies on contentious topics ranging from affirmative action debates to textbook controversies to emphasize the complexities, limitations, and challenges of connective action that is relevant to all racial groups. Using a detailed multi-methods approach that includes national survey data and Twitter hashtag analysis, he shows how traditional immigrants, older participants, and younger generations create online consensus and mobilize offline to foment political change. In doing so, Lai provides a nuanced glimpse into the multiple ways connective action takes shape within the Asian American community. ; https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/faculty_books/1523/thumbnail.jpg
Imprint varies. ; Volume numbering irregular; Jan.-July 1721 called: Vol. 32, no. 1-7; Aug.-Dec. 1721 called: Vol. 33, no. 8-12. ; Several numbers issued in subsequent eds. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; A translation of the earlier issues of Mercure historique et politique was issued in 1692 under the title: The general history of Europe, contained in The historical and political monthly mercuries. ; Translation of: Mercure historique et politique.
Mode of access: Internet. ; A translation of the earlier issues of Mercure historique et politique that were not translated into English under the title: The present state of Europe.
78, [2] p. ; 23 cm. (8vo) ; Previous issues through Sept. 1796 published under title: The political censor. There was no issue for Oct. 1796. ; "Persuaded of the utility this Censor may be of, if extensively read, the editor has printed a double edition of it ."--p. [3]. ; Also issued as part of: Cobbett, William. Porcupine's works. Vol. II. Philadelphia : Cobbett, [1797] (Evans 30233 and 31948). ; Two states of gathering L noted. In one (Gaines 25b), L1 is missigned K. In the other (Gaines 25a) it is signed L.
Rare Book (HAMILTON) copy 3: p. 34-64 (second canto) only. In stitched paper wrappers, untrimmed. ; Rare Book (HAMILTON) copy 2: 32 p. (first canto) only. ; Rare Book (HAMILTON) copy 1: 32 p. (first canto) only. In stitched paper wrappers, untrimmed. ; Avery Classics (Offsite) copy: Canto the Third only (p. 66-104). ; Avery Classics (Offsite) copy: Has Seymour B. Durst's bookplate. ; Avery Classics (Offsite) copy: Seymour B. Durst Old York Library Collection, Avery Architectural & Fine Arts Library, Columbia University. ; "To perpetuate the brutal infamy of John Park, M.D. a Galenical excrescence . Boston, Sept. 6, 1804."--verso of title page. ; In three cantos. Each canto issued separately; advertised as "this day published" or "just published" in the Oct. 1, 1804, Nov. 22, 1804, and May 13, 1805, issues of the Independent chronicle. ; Ford, Paul Leicester. Bibliotheca Hamiltoniana ; Tompkins, Hamilton B. Burr biblio. ; Wegelin, O. Amer. poetry ; Sabin ; Shaw & Shoemaker ; Mode of access: Internet.
[9], 199 p. : port. ; First ed., with "To the reader" signed: John Milton. Cf. NUC pre-1956. ; Published in 1661 as: Aphorisms of state, grounded on authority and experience; in 1692 as: The arts of empire, and mysteries of state discabineted; in 1697 as: The secrets of government, and misteries of state. For other issues under different titles see: Brushfield, T.N. Bibliography of Sir Walter Raleigh, 1908, [no.] 268. ; Reproduction of original in Yale University Library.
Page 81 wrongly numbered 75 ; The first essay is by Jean Bertrand, the second by Benjamin Carrard, the third by Gabriel Seigneux de Correvon ; Other issues, by the same printer, appeared in 1799 and 1800 ; Mode of access: Internet.
The Suffolk Gazette was published by Alden Spooner in Sag Harbor from 1804-1811. This edition includes some marriage and death announcements, along with many advertisements and some commentarty on political current events. A particular focus on issues relating to seaport towns and international relations gives hints of the issues that led to the War of 1812. Marriage notices are given for James Post and Hannah Rogers; Lewis Edwards and Mary Miller; Gurdon Pierson and Matsey Halsey; Daniel Fordham and Mercy Eldredge. Death notice appears for Jemima Peirson Overton.
This literature review examines the potential of collaborative art making as a tool to foster a sense of belonging in today's gender and sexual minority youth who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ). Living with a unique layer of minority stress, LGBTQ youth are at high risk for developing mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation due to ostracization and rejection from their families and communities. By reviewing the implementation of collaborative art making to bring together other marginalized groups across cultural backgrounds as well as the use of art making with LGBTQ youth for purposes such as political activism, community outreach and self advocacy, it is concluded that collaborative art making could be a useful method to combat thwarted belongingness and diminish resulting mental health issues. The author is a queer white millenial woman living in north eastern United States of America.
ABSTRACT Objective: to discuss the role of Brazilian nursing to face political, economic and sanitary challenges that compose the crisis situation related to Covid-19 pandemics. Methods: Critical-thinking study with analytics characteristics, based on latin-american critical epidemiology and on the concept of social determination of health. Results: the central issues related to the Brazilian political-economic and health scenario are problematized, with emphasis on the impacts in terms of social inequality deepening. Nursing role is discussed considering the impacts in these worker's health, and the relevance of nurses' actions in the several professional practice scenarios to defend social protection. Conclusions: the role of Brazilian nursing as a social practice for the defense of life and universal access to health is reaffirmed as a way of achieving social justice.
RESUMEN: Tres autores como John Stuart Mill, John Rawls y Amartia Sen son objeto de análisis en este artículo que estudia el tema de la equidad en un contexto que se caracteriza por el abandono casi generalizado del estudio de los valores en relación a los grandes problemas económicos; el artículo defiende como necesaria la recuperación de las preocupaciones éticas en la ciencia económica. La segunda parte, presenta una bibliografía reciente presentada como respuesta a la obra de John Rawls a partir de 1985, cuando este autor da el llamado giro desde su teoría de la justicia como equidad hacia un reciente liberalismo político, período de gran interés para comprender las discusiones actuales de la filosofía política y el futuro de la discusión interdisciplinaria con la economía. ; ABSTRACT: Jhon Stuart Mill, John Rawls And Amartya Sen are the authors analysed in this article which studies the topic of fairness in a context characterized by an almost generalized abandonment of value study in relation to the big economic problems. The article supports the recovery of ethic issues in economics as a necessary condition. In the second part recent literature is presented as a response to the work of John Rawls from 1985, when this author produces the turn from his theory of justice as fairness to his recent political liberalism, period which is of great interest to understand the present issues of political philosophy and the future of an interdisciplinary analysis with economics.
Securitization theory (ST) makes an insightful and significant contribution to security studies. Through the use of discursive speech act, ST provides an innovative strategy for understanding the application of security's distinctive character and dynamics to any issue in order to make it a security issue. Valuable as the theory is to security studies, the subaltern appear missing in existing securitization analyses. Even when the subaltern are examined, for instance in critiques of classical ST, they are conceived and presented as passive, lacking agency, voice, and power, and suffering from security silence problem. ST's reliance on discursive speech act and focus on state political elite prevent it from capturing the subaltern and subaltern securitization process. Furthermore, while existing ST and critiques of securitization studies offer some direction regarding how the subaltern actors may securitize threats to their security, these perspectives are incidental and grossly underdeveloped. In order to resolve this problem, the current study takes a novel approach to securitization studies by investigating how subaltern actors engage in securitizing discourses and practices. By combining the Fanonian decolonial theory of emancipatory violence, where the nature of the (post)colonial context becomes visible with the theoretical insights of ST, the study shows that the subaltern are able to securitize using protest and violence. The subaltern use protest and violence to show their perception and identification of security threats, mobilize the subaltern audience, and challenge and confront the threatening subject – often times, the subaltern's significant audience – to ensure that action is taken on issues concerning subaltern security. In addition to discourse, therefore, protest and violence serve as the subaltern's instruments of political communication used by the subaltern to move issues beyond normal to the point of extraordinary politics. Consequently, protest and violence can force audiences – including the common people and the political elite – to imagine threats to subaltern security, typically perceived but sometimes real, and accept subaltern securitization moves, and where possible take actions that may amount to an alteration or a change in the order of things. Such change may either be in favour of subaltern's perception of security or not. To uncover the essential dynamics of subaltern securitization, this study synthesizes a version of decolonial theory with elements of existing ST and focuses on the subaltern actors from below the state in Nigeria, a non-Western, postcolonial context. The results reveal that subaltern securitization is possible when members of the subaltern successfully mobilize themselves to collectively identify (real or perceived) threat to their security and in so doing challenging and confronting the threat. This makes their security concerns an issue of priority. The study concludes that desirable as subaltern securitization may be, especially to the subaltern, there is a tendency for subaltern securitization to obfuscate the danger that may lurk around subaltern's attempts to securitize certain issues.
Transitioning into a sustainable energy system is becoming ever more pressing as the reality of an anthropogenic ecological crisis becomes difficult to ignore. Due to the complexity of the matter, proposed solutions often address the symptoms of the current socioeconomic configuration rather than its core. To conceptualise possible future energy systems, this Perspective focuses on the disconnect between science and technology and engineering studies. On the one hand, this disconnect leads to social science research that passively critiques rather than contributes to tackling societal issues in practice. On the other, it produces technical work limited by the incumbent conceptualisations of economic activity and organisational configurations around production without capturing the broader social and political dynamics. We thus propose a schema for bridging this divide that uses the "commons" as an umbrella concept. We apply this framework on the hardware aspect of a conceptual energy system, which builds on networked microgrids powered by open-source, lower cost, adaptable, socially responsible and sustainable technology. This Perspective is a call to engineers and social scientists alike to form genuine transdisciplinary collaborations for developing radical alternatives to the energy conundrum.
ABSTRACT Objectives: this theoretical essay aims to present classic and contemporary fundamentals of the optimal tax theory (OTT) and to problematize its presence and possibilities in the scenario of tax policy in Brazil. Context: such objectives are located in the contemporary context that discusses tax reforms aimed at efficient and socially responsible public management. Methods: after surveying the state of knowledge of optimal taxation in Brazil, and from the perspective of economics and political law, we sought to identify secondary data on tax distribution in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries in relational analysis with data from Brazil. Results: the text draws attention to the fact that OTT is able to bring social issues to the discussion of public tax management policies in a structured way, with the perspective of inclusion and social responsibility, based on the importance of different treatment of economic agents, physical and legal, based on their needs and possibilities. Conclusion: it is concluded that, like in other countries, OTT is present in the Brazilian debate expressing as possible and necessary to advance in a tax policy that responds to the needs of public collection articulated and reconciled to social well-being through responsible management, modern and transparent.
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
