Socrates, Or On Human Knowledge is the first sceptical treatise of the early modern period to be written by a Jew. This work, written in the vernacular and signed by the author describing himself as a "Venetian Jew," must be considered a key work for investigating the intensive transfer of knowledge between Jews and Christians and as a mirror of the contemporary philosophical leanings and social and political changes.
Al centro della riflessione si staglia il tema della verità, nella dimensione del giudizio, relativamente all'accertamento della veridicità dei fatti che nascono dalla controversia. L'attenzione verte sul giudizio in senso logico-giuridico sul piano veritativo e dunque creativo ma anche intorno ai processi tecnologici. Negli ultimi anni, i poteri del giudice hanno preso sempre più campo attraverso la presenza più ampia di una interpretazione creativa oramai nucleo essenziale della discrezionalità giudiziale. La dilatazione di spazi di discrezionalità giudiziale apre una riflessione circa la dimensione politica e ideologica della posizione assunta dai giudici e il reale pericolo per le garanzie democratiche. Si aprono altre vie, in particolare quella della tecnica, ma la verità in ogni caso va ricercata perché essa andrà sempre oltre la possibilità di essere di semplice ausilio attraverso la tecnologia. Non possiamo immaginare il giudice macchina, judge in the machine, come un possibile ghost in the machine ma al contrario ricercarne la presenza. ; At the center of the reflection stands the theme of truth, in the dimension of judgment, relative to ascertaining the truthfulness of the facts that arise from the controversy. The attention focuses on the judgment in a logical-legal sense on the truthful and therefore creative level but also about the technological processes. In recent years, the judge's powers have increasingly through the wider presence of a creative interpretation now essential nucleus of judicial discretion. The dilation of spaces of judicial discretion opens a reflection about the political and ideological dimension of the position taken by the judges and about the real danger for democratic guarantees. Other ways open up, in particular the technology, but in any case the truth must be sought because it will always go beyond the possibility of being a simple aid through technology. We cannot imagine the machine judge, judge in the machine, as a possible ghost in the machine but on the contrary to seek his presence.
The article develops the theme of the sensorial border as a politic limit with which ethnographer is to deal when the access in the experiential sphere of those who intend to study involves ethical dilemmas. In particular faces the possibility that the ethnographic knowledge is not always to be understood as the overcoming of the given limits to make new contributions to knowledge, but rather as epistemological desertion in front of the risk of being a tool both of what normally is opposed, and of a cognitive device consistent with the dominant social taxonomy. To illustrate this hypothesis is taken into account the current of ethnographic research on sensitive topics and in particular will be discussed critically some researches on fascist and racist organizations. ; L'articolo sviluppa il tema della frontiera sensoriale come limite politico con il quale l'etnografo si trova a fare i conti quando l'accesso alla sfera esperienziale dei soggetti che intende studiare comporta dilemmi etici. In particolare affronta la possibilità che il sapere etnografico non sempre debba essere inteso come superamento dei limiti dati per apportare nuovi contributi alla conoscenza, ma semmai come diserzione epistemologica di fronte al rischio di farsi strumento sia di ciò che normalmente si osteggia, sia di un dispositivo conoscitivo funzionale alla tassonomia sociale dominante. Per illustrare quest'ipotesi viene preso in considerazione il filone di ricerca etnografica sui temi sensibili e in particolare verranno discusse criticamente delle ricerche su organizzazioni fasciste e razziste.
Georges Canguilhem has never systematically discussed Sigmund Freud's thinking. This essay aims to reconstruct Canguilhem's reading of Freudian psychoanalysis, highlighting its strategic use within the framework of Canguilhem's controversy against psychology. From this point of view, knowledge is established as a field of political struggle: unlike psychology and its deterministic and normalizing drifts, psychoanalysis allows Canguilhem to affirm the irreducibility of thought to brain localizations, to emphasize its erratic power and to think the constitution of an eccentric subjectivity. ; Georges Canguilhem non ha mai trattato in maniera sistematica il pensiero di Sigmund Freud. Il presente saggio propone di rintracciare la lettura della psicoanalisi freudiana operata da Canguilhem, mettendone in evidenza l'utilizzo strategico nel contesto della sua polemica contro la psicologia. In tale prospettiva, il sapere risulta istituito come campo di una lotta politica: al contrario della psicologia e delle sue derive deterministiche e normalizzanti, la psicoanalisi permette di affermare l'irriducibilità del pensiero alle localizzazioni cerebrali, di enfatizzarne la potenza erratica e di pensare la costituzione di una soggettività eccentrica.
The review article analyzes some of the most recent developments in political communication with particular concern for those processes involving the notions and the practices of citizenship in contemporary democracies. Some of the contributions taken into consideration can be regarded as seminal books supporting the view that popular media, infotainment and new media are all new channels of political information and, notwithstanding their oversimplification, may be useful to extend citizens' political knowledge. The review aims also at offering some insights on specific features of political communication in Italy through the analysis of contributions dealing with the processes of personalization and popularization of politics as well as with the increasing role of internet in Italian politics. Adapted from the source document.
The text clarifies the biography and works of Ferdinando Martini (1841-1929), researcher and bibliophile, owner of a big library, which was later given to the Biblioteca Forteguerriana in Pistoia. Martini was at his time, together with Bonghi, the politician most involved in the reassessment of library policies in Italy after the national unification. He was Deputate at the Italian Parliement between 1876 and 1919, General Secretary of the Ministry of Education and collaborator of the Minister, Michele Coppino, in the first Giolitti government (1892-1893). He attended the 1879 inquiry on the Alessandrina Library in Rome, which is here re-examined, and partecipated in the political debate on State libraries in Italy, especially on the two National libraries founded in Rome and Florence. Martini's contribute to the Regulation on governmental libraries in Italy (october 28th, 1885, no. 346) reveals also his commitment to promoting the knowledge of the national bibliographic heritage, especially through the project Indici e cataloghi for the description of the main Italian collections of manuscripts and books. ; Il testo illustra la figura e l'opera di Ferdinando Martini (1841- 1929), studioso e bibliofilo, proprietario di una vasta biblioteca privata giunta alla Biblioteca Forteguerriana di Pistoia, considerato l'uomo politico italiano più attento alla riorganizzazione del servizio bibliotecario nazionale dello Stato unitario, insieme a Bonghi. Deputato al Parlamento italiano tra il 1876 e il 1919, dal 1884 al 1886 segretario generale del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione e collaboratore del ministro Coppino, Ministro della Pubblica Istruzione col primo governo Giolitti (1892-1893), Martini prese parte all'inchiesta del 1879 sulla Biblioteca universitaria Alessandrina, qui ricostruita, e soprattutto al dibattito politico italiano sulle biblioteche statali, dando impulso alle due biblioteche nazionali centrali di Roma e Firenze. L'autore delinea il ruolo di Martini nel varo del Regolamento organico per le biblioteche governative del 28 ottobre 1885, n. 346 e documenta le principali attività a favore delle biblioteche e del patrimonio bibliografico nazionale; tra queste l'avvio della collana Indici e cataloghi per la conoscenza dei principali fondi manoscritti e a stampa.
What (political) geography ought to be. Political geography between peace and warGeography has been often accused of being a discipline useful, above all, to make war. But, at the end of the Nineteenth century, Kropotkin already envisaged a totally different use of geography, which, on the contrary, ought to be an instrument for mutual knowledge and understanding. The paper explores the complex relations between different attitudes toward wars (from the acceptance of it as a prosecution of politics to the total refusal of violence of modern pacifism) and the chances of usingpolitical geography as a tool for justifying war or for making the conditions of a future of peace.What (political) geography ought to be. La géographie politique pendant la paix et la guerreLa géographie été asouvent accusé d'être une discipline utile, d'abord, a faire la guerre. Cependant, à la fin du XIXe siècle, Kropotkin a envisagé déjà une utilisation radicalement différente de la géographie, qui, au contraire, doit être un instrument de connaissance et de compréhension mutuelle. Cette contribution explore les relations complexes entre les différentes attitudes de les géographes vis à vis des guerres (en partant de l'acceptation de la guerre celui-ci comme une continuation de la politique pour arriver au refus total de la violence du pacifisme moderne) et les chances d'utiliser la géographie politique comme un outil pour justifier la guerre ou pour créer les conditions d'un avenir de paix.
The close outcome of the Italian general elections of 2006 highlights the crucial role of floating voters, switching from one coalition to its opponent. Using survey data, the paper studies the relation between the degree of political interest & knowledge of individual voters & their propensity to switch between competing coalitions in subsequent elections. Two rival hypotheses are proposed. The first, dubbed the "electoral market," states that most vote change happens among the most interested & informed. On the contrary, the rival hypothesis of the "electoral bazaar" envisages a scenario where floating voters are mostly among the least politically involved. The results of the analysis show a marked difference between patterns in the First & the Second Republic. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author introduces the contributions dedicated to the legitimacy crisis, which took place in Aragonese Southern Italy, framing them in the historiographical debate on the Kingdom of Naples in the 15h century and focusing on the knowledge growth produced by the articles. ; L'autore introduce i contributi dedicati al tema della crisi di legittimità nel Mezzogiorno aragonese, collocandoli nel dibattito storiografico sul Regno di Napoli nel Quattrocento e soffermandosi sull'apporto conoscitivo dei diversi saggi.
La globalizzazione dell'economia, accompagnata dall'emergere di modelli di potere transnazionali, ha profondamente alterato il tessuto sociale, economico e politico di vaste aree e, in particolare, delle città globali (Sassen, 1991), luoghi di intersezione tra globale e locale, centri di snodo per commerci, finanza e attività bancarie. Tale fenomeno, tipico degli anni '90, ha preceduto la imponente diffusione delle smart cities, che ha esaltato i paradigmi relativi all'economia della conoscenza ed alla rasformazione digitale delle città. In tale scenario, appare interessante indagare analiticamente, alla scala urbana, il rapporto tra i consolidati drivers dello sviluppo, in relazione a variabili geografiche di influenza. Il presente contributo, pertanto, a partire da una riflessione critica sul tema, ambisce a riportare evidenze analitiche della presenza di un determinismo geografico relativo alla intensità della correlazione fe-nomenologica tra l'economia della conoscenza e la trasformazione digitale, dimostrando che fattori geografici riferibili alla dimensione urbana e alla localizzazione possono rafforzare l'entità del legame causale. La valenza dei risultati ricercati si manifesta, sul piano teorico, nella possibilità di disporre di accurati modelli causali che governano le dinamiche di sviluppo urbano inerenti ai paradigmi analizzati e, sul piano pratico, nella possibilità, per gli amministratori locali e gli addetti ai lavori, di caratterizzare la pianificazione delle attività in funzione di variabili di contesto. ; The globalization of the economy, accompanied by the emergence of transnational power models, has profoundly altered the social, economic and political fabric of vast areas and, particularly, that of global cities (Sassen, 1991), places of intersection between global and local, junction centres for trade, finance and banking activities. This phenomenon, typical of the 90s, preceded the massive diffusion of smart cities, which enhanced the paradigms relating to the knowledge economy and the digital transformation of cities. In this scenario, it is interesting to investigate analytically, at the urban scale, the relationship between the established drivers of development, in relation to geographical variables of influence. The present contribute, therefore, starting from a critical reflection on the subject, aims to bring analytical evidence of the presence of a geographical determinism relative to the intensity of the phenomenological correlation between the knowledge economy and digital transformation, showing that geographic factors related to urban size and location can strengthen the causal link. The value of the results is twofold, on a theoretical level, consists in the possibility of having accurate causal models that govern the dynamics of urban development inherent to the paradigms analysed and, on a practical level, in the possibility, for local administrators and experts, of characterize the planning of the activities, according to context variables.
From its colonial history, the twin-island state of Trinidad and Tobago inherited a uniquely diverse population of 1.3 million, including descendants of East Indians, Africans, Chinese, Syrians and Lebanese, French, Spanish, Portuguese and British, among others. The legacy of the British divide et impera, paired with the perceived ethnic diversity, has been marking and re-producing a deep "Us vs. Them" division, especially between the two major ethnic groups of East Indians (35.4%) and Africans (34.2%). For over forty years, the two ethnic groups have been struggling for political control through census counts and voting along ethnic lines. Although elections in the country have always served as "the critical arbiter in adjudicating the rival claims by the main ethno-cultural communities for power and privilege" (Premdas 2004: 19), the 2010 General Election seemed to have marked a turning point in the history of the nation. On May 24th, Trinidad and Tobago elected Kamla Persad-Bissessar, its first female Prime Minister and only the second person of East Indian origin to hold the PM office in 48 years of independence. Breaking out of the country's rigid bipolar political mould, Persad-Bissessar won as the leader of the People's Partnership, a new coalition party that comprised both East Indian and African political forces and movements. She defeated Patrick Manning's People's National Movement and succeeded in winning 29 seats out of the 41 in the House of Representatives. Taking this unprecedented political success as its starting point, this dissertation explores the discursive and political strategies behind Persad-Bissessar's election, analyzing a large corpus of textual and visual data from the People's Partnership campaign. The starting assumption is that Persad-Bissessar broadened her electorate not only by presenting a carefully engineered coalition party but also by discursively positing a new, inclusive identity space throughout the campaign and advocating a politics of inter-ethnic harmony in the country. Therefore, I set to analyze how Persad-Bissessar engaged in a multi-levelled discursive construction of identities, defining her role as the first woman PM candidate in the history of the country, legitimizing her coalition solution to political tribalisms, as well as fostering a wider national sense of belonging. As political communication has increasingly grown beyond the realm of verbal language, understanding Persad-Bissessar's political meaning-making required both the analysis of her election speeches as well as the study of a number of multimodal texts, such as video and printed ads as well as official portraits, which played a crucial role in the political advertising of her coalition. Within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework, I will combine the 'Discourse-Historical Approach' (Wodak and Meyer 2009) for the analysis of Persad-Bissessar's textual data and Kress and van Leeuwen's (1996) 'Visual Grammar' for the analysis of the visual data. Although the English-speaking Caribbean is home to the largest set of continuing democracies among postcolonial countries around the globe, political discourse from the archipelago is yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The analysis of political discourse in Trinidad and Tobago has the potential to shed light on the complexities, struggles and contradictions of the postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago by integrating knowledge about historical sources and the social and political environment within which discourse as social practice is embedded. Starting from the analysis of political discourse, this work aims at offering a new, discursive perspective on ethnicity, identity and power in Trinidad and Tobago as well as increasing scholarly awareness for the development of a critical interpretative stance for political texts and talks beyond the Euro-American zone.
The collection of legal consilia of the Milanese jurist Signorolus de Homodeis senior (c. 1300-1371) is examined to show how a reputed man of law, who successfully taught in various Italian Universities, was called to give an interpretation of the socio-political changes that unravelling during the fourteenth century. The grants of pardon and grace, the criminal procedures, the rise of the Visconti dynasty at the expense of the communal institutions, the changing role of magistrates and officials, the procedures of public debt, the agreements of mutual protection between territorial powers: all of these topics were submitted to the jurist for opinion and examined in the light of legal knowledge. Even the lawyer's mindset, shaped in the tradition of Roman law, was often bent and adapted to suit the new demands and needs. ; La raccolta di consilia del giurista milanese Signorolo Omodei senior (1300 ca.-1371) è esaminata per mostrare come un reputato uomo di legge, che insegnò con successo in diverse sedi universitarie, fu chiamato a interpretare i cambiamenti che stavano intervenendo nella società e nelle istituzioni del suo tempo. Le concessioni di grazie, le procedure criminali, l'emergere della dinastia signorile viscontea a scapito delle istituzioni comunali, le novità finanziarie, i patti di reciproca tutela tra potenze furono tra i temi sottoposti al suo consulto, e analizzati alla luce della sapienza legale. La stessa forma mentis del giurista, plasmata dalla tradizione del diritto romano, fu spesso piegata e adattata a nuove esigenze e bisogni.
The research of innovative educational models is, in the modern era, one of the topics of greatest interest in the pedagogical theorization. The education of young generations has always been the focal point of the social evolution and the economic and cultural growth of a people. A recent study by "TreeLLLe" highlights how, in today's educational landscape, the form of "learning to know" prevails significantly on the form of "learning to live with others". In this sense, it would be desirable to have greater interaction between social governanceand cultural governance. The Capability approach opens, in this direction, interesting reflections, combining capabilities and opportunities in the perspective of well being. In this context, cultural responsibility, social responsibility, political governance and cultural governance intersect each other, creating a subject conscious of "being" through a "social being". Thus, an "active space of education" is dominated by an eternal tension between "universal action" and "individual action". It is necessary to look for the birth of a renewed social and personal identity, capable of facing the challenges of an increasinglycomplex and planetary world. ; La ricerca di modelli pedagogici innovativi, capaci di rispondere alle contestuali esigenze educative dell'epoca moderna, rappresenta uno dei temi di maggiore interesse per il mondo della scuola e per la teorizzazione pedagogica. L'educazione delle giovani generazioni è da sempre l'elemento focale intorno a cui ruota l'evoluzione sociale e la crescita economica e culturale di un popolo. Una recente indagine condotta da "TreeLLLe" evidenzia come, nell'odierno panorama educativo, la forma dell'"imparare a conoscere" prevalga inmaniera significativa sulla forma dell'"imparare a vivere con gli altri". Sarebbe auspicabile, in tal senso, una maggiore interazione tra una governance sociale e una governance culturale. Il capability approach apre, in questa direzione, interessanti scenari di riflessione, coniugando capacità e ...
This report examines the effects of Internet use on present functioning of political representation, and therefore on the role of political parties in the context of a supposed digital democracy. First of all, it will be analysed the huge potentiality of the Internet to strengthen the mechanisms of political representation, by facilitating knowledge, participation and control from citizens to public powers activities. Nevertheless, reference will be made even to the risks linked to intrinsic nature of the Web that could create the opposite effect of a corrupt interaction between political-institutional bodies and the so-called netizens. In particular, it will be analysed the present placement of the political parties on the Internet that, as shown in the case-study of the of Movimento 5 Stelle, tends to facilitate polarisation and the Balkanisation of ideas, rather than promote the achievement of the typical principles of a democracy 2.0: transparency, participation and cooperation. ; Un'indagine sul grado di incidenza dei nuovi media sul funzionamento attuale della rappresentanza politica, e quindi sul ruolo dei partiti nel contesto di una supposta democrazia digitale, impone due premesse di ordine generale, in cui si intrecciano elementi giuridici con altri di natura antropologica, sociologica e di comunicazione in senso stretto.Una prima premessa riguarda le caratteristiche intrinseche della rete e l'uso che di essa viene fatto da parte dell'ormai maggioranza dei cittadini/utenti.Al riguardo, in un noto saggio di Pippa Norris, si distingue tra Cyber-optimists e Cyber-pessimists, attraverso un'interessante analisi dei pro e dei contro dell'attività politica in rete. In chiave ottimistica, le enormi potenzialità offerte dal web possono sicuramente rafforzare i meccanismi di rappresentanza politica, agevolando la conoscenza, la partecipazione e il controllo da parte dei cittadini rispetto all'attività dei poteri pubblici. In chiave pessimistica, non si può, tuttavia, rimanere indifferenti rispetto ai rischi connessi alla natura intrinseca del web che possono generare l'effetto opposto di una inquinata interazione tra rappresentanti e rappresentati, ossia tra il corpo politico-istituzionale e il cd. popolo della rete.[1] P. Norris, Democratic divide? The impact of the Internet on Parliaments Worldwide, in: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/pnorris/Acrobat/apsa2000demdiv.pdf, 2000. ; Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu zbadanie, w jaki sposób dostęp do internetu w chwili obecnej wpływa na funkcjonowanie reprezentacji politycznej, czyli na rolę partii politycznych w tzw. demokracji cyfrowej. W komunikacie analizuje się ogromny potencjał zastosowania technologii informacyjno-telekomunikacyjnych, które mogą wzmocnić mechanizmy reprezentacji politycznej, ułatwiając obywatelom zdobycie wiedzy, aktywne uczestnictwo oraz sprawowanie kontroli nad działalnością władz publicznych. Z drugiej strony autor zwraca uwagę na zagrożenia związane z naturą Internetu, mogące przynosić odwrotny skutek w postaci nieuczciwych praktyk w relacjach między instytucjami politycznymi i tzw. netizens, czyli obywatelami sieci. Szczególną uwagę autor poświęca problemowi aktualnego pozycjonowania stron internetowych należącyh do partii politycznych, omówionemu na przykładzie Ruch Pięciu Gwiazd (Movimento 5 Stelle), który zamiast promować zasady demokracji 2.0, takie jak: przejrzystość, aktywne uczestnictwo i współpraca, sprzyja raczej zjawisku polaryzacji idei i tzw. cyberbałkanizacji.
