The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.
The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.
The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.
The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.
This paper overviews the articles, published in this issue of Filosofija. Sociologija. The articles are arranged in three topics – social and political philosophy, philosophical anthropology and epistemology. In developing these topics the authors get in touch with each other. They are worried about the present condition of society and its future, troubles of human existence and prospects of human knowledge.
This paper overviews the articles, published in this issue of Filosofija. Sociologija. The articles are arranged in three topics – social and political philosophy, philosophical anthropology and epistemology. In developing these topics the authors get in touch with each other. They are worried about the present condition of society and its future, troubles of human existence and prospects of human knowledge.
The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.
The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.
The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.
The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.
The object of this dissertation of graduation is the place of Culture in a context of Knowledge society. The main aim is to introduce possibilities of digital code and to check out if Lithuanian society is already ready for to accept e-culture as one more alternative in their lives. It is very important to stress the meaning of the Cultural production in a new way of Economy that is based on a creative branch. So this is a reason why reader is introduced to the technique of Cultures' planning in a first chapter. Cultural organizations have long been protected from the harsh realities of the marketplace by relying on wealthy patrons or public subsidies. But as these sources of finance become scarcer they now find that they have to compete for an audience. Some have adjusted to this new reality, but many have not. Cultural planning in a context of knowledge society is the process of aligning cultural activities and organizations in a given area - usually geographic - in a way that helps to ensure they are mutually supportive and contribute effectively to other specific social, political or economic ambitions - such as encouraging social inclusion or attracting tourists or investors to an area. There is a wide range of contexts in which planning takes place, from the legislatively mandated (currently the case in the United Kingdom) to the predominately voluntary (as in the United States). There are also many ways of going about planning, many stumbling blocks between good intentions and effective policies, and many a well-considered and viable policy that goes unimplemented. Challenges for e-culture are visible with regard to fragmentation, multilingualism, re-usability if content, configuration of knowledge realms and suitable application levels that effectively relate to users' and heritage institutions' demands It is also introducing three investigations accomplished by thesis writer as well by State Institutions in a field of Cultural innovations and reclaims of Culture Users. This dissertation of graduation is useful for Culture managers, Official Persons who are responsible for dissemination of digital code an e-culture, for people who make political decisions on Culture Politics. It is useful for students of arts management or those who hope to work in the cultural industries.
The object of this dissertation of graduation is the place of Culture in a context of Knowledge society. The main aim is to introduce possibilities of digital code and to check out if Lithuanian society is already ready for to accept e-culture as one more alternative in their lives. It is very important to stress the meaning of the Cultural production in a new way of Economy that is based on a creative branch. So this is a reason why reader is introduced to the technique of Cultures' planning in a first chapter. Cultural organizations have long been protected from the harsh realities of the marketplace by relying on wealthy patrons or public subsidies. But as these sources of finance become scarcer they now find that they have to compete for an audience. Some have adjusted to this new reality, but many have not. Cultural planning in a context of knowledge society is the process of aligning cultural activities and organizations in a given area - usually geographic - in a way that helps to ensure they are mutually supportive and contribute effectively to other specific social, political or economic ambitions - such as encouraging social inclusion or attracting tourists or investors to an area. There is a wide range of contexts in which planning takes place, from the legislatively mandated (currently the case in the United Kingdom) to the predominately voluntary (as in the United States). There are also many ways of going about planning, many stumbling blocks between good intentions and effective policies, and many a well-considered and viable policy that goes unimplemented. Challenges for e-culture are visible with regard to fragmentation, multilingualism, re-usability if content, configuration of knowledge realms and suitable application levels that effectively relate to users' and heritage institutions' demands It is also introducing three investigations accomplished by thesis writer as well by State Institutions in a field of Cultural innovations and reclaims of Culture Users. This dissertation of graduation is useful for Culture managers, Official Persons who are responsible for dissemination of digital code an e-culture, for people who make political decisions on Culture Politics. It is useful for students of arts management or those who hope to work in the cultural industries.
The object of this dissertation of graduation is the place of Culture in a context of Knowledge society. The main aim is to introduce possibilities of digital code and to check out if Lithuanian society is already ready for to accept e-culture as one more alternative in their lives. It is very important to stress the meaning of the Cultural production in a new way of Economy that is based on a creative branch. So this is a reason why reader is introduced to the technique of Cultures' planning in a first chapter. Cultural organizations have long been protected from the harsh realities of the marketplace by relying on wealthy patrons or public subsidies. But as these sources of finance become scarcer they now find that they have to compete for an audience. Some have adjusted to this new reality, but many have not. Cultural planning in a context of knowledge society is the process of aligning cultural activities and organizations in a given area - usually geographic - in a way that helps to ensure they are mutually supportive and contribute effectively to other specific social, political or economic ambitions - such as encouraging social inclusion or attracting tourists or investors to an area. There is a wide range of contexts in which planning takes place, from the legislatively mandated (currently the case in the United Kingdom) to the predominately voluntary (as in the United States). There are also many ways of going about planning, many stumbling blocks between good intentions and effective policies, and many a well-considered and viable policy that goes unimplemented. Challenges for e-culture are visible with regard to fragmentation, multilingualism, re-usability if content, configuration of knowledge realms and suitable application levels that effectively relate to users' and heritage institutions' demands It is also introducing three investigations accomplished by thesis writer as well by State Institutions in a field of Cultural innovations and reclaims of Culture Users. This dissertation of graduation is useful for Culture managers, Official Persons who are responsible for dissemination of digital code an e-culture, for people who make political decisions on Culture Politics. It is useful for students of arts management or those who hope to work in the cultural industries.
The object of this dissertation of graduation is the place of Culture in a context of Knowledge society. The main aim is to introduce possibilities of digital code and to check out if Lithuanian society is already ready for to accept e-culture as one more alternative in their lives. It is very important to stress the meaning of the Cultural production in a new way of Economy that is based on a creative branch. So this is a reason why reader is introduced to the technique of Cultures' planning in a first chapter. Cultural organizations have long been protected from the harsh realities of the marketplace by relying on wealthy patrons or public subsidies. But as these sources of finance become scarcer they now find that they have to compete for an audience. Some have adjusted to this new reality, but many have not. Cultural planning in a context of knowledge society is the process of aligning cultural activities and organizations in a given area - usually geographic - in a way that helps to ensure they are mutually supportive and contribute effectively to other specific social, political or economic ambitions - such as encouraging social inclusion or attracting tourists or investors to an area. There is a wide range of contexts in which planning takes place, from the legislatively mandated (currently the case in the United Kingdom) to the predominately voluntary (as in the United States). There are also many ways of going about planning, many stumbling blocks between good intentions and effective policies, and many a well-considered and viable policy that goes unimplemented. Challenges for e-culture are visible with regard to fragmentation, multilingualism, re-usability if content, configuration of knowledge realms and suitable application levels that effectively relate to users' and heritage institutions' demands It is also introducing three investigations accomplished by thesis writer as well by State Institutions in a field of Cultural innovations and reclaims of Culture Users. This dissertation of graduation is useful for Culture managers, Official Persons who are responsible for dissemination of digital code an e-culture, for people who make political decisions on Culture Politics. It is useful for students of arts management or those who hope to work in the cultural industries.
The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
