Suchergebnisse

Defizite im politischen Wissen bei Jugendlichen weisen auf die Notwendigkeit hin, politische Bildung in der Schule und in den Massenmedien zu verbessern. Diese Feststellung vermittelt der präsentierten Studie nicht nur eine wissenschaftliche, sondern auch eine gesellschaftspolitische Relevanz. Politisches Wissen bezieht sich - wie jedes Wissen - auf die Suche nach Wahrheit. Wissen muss von anderen Erkenntnisprodukten wie Überzeugungen, Meinungen, Einstellungen, Emotionen, Werte, Verhaltensabsichten und Verhalten unterschieden werden. In dem untersuchten Kontext wird die Wichtigkeit der Unterscheidung zwischen Wissen und Überzeugungen hervorgehoben. In ihrer Untersuchung konzentrieren sich die Autoren auf objektives, d.h. demonstriertes Wissen. Das objektive Wissen schließt Kenntnis von mehreren verschiedenen Feldern (z.B. den nationalen, ausländischen und internationalen Feldern) sowie Themen innerhalb dieser Felder (z.B. im nationalen politischen Feld: das politische System), und Aspekte dieser Themen ein. Im Mittelpunkt des Forschungsinteresses stehen das niedrige Niveau der Wissensgewinnung, seine primäre Akkumulation und Erweiterung. Die Verfasser untersuchen drei Kategorien von möglichen Erklärungen für die Unterschiede im Hinblick auf das politische Wissen: die Fähigkeit, politische Informationen zu erhalten und zu verarbeiten, die Motivation, damit umzugehen, und die Möglichkeiten, Informationen durch politische Sozialisation zu erhalten. Die Fähigkeit, politische Information zu erhalten und zu verarbeiten, hat einen starken Einfluss auf die Inkorporierung vom politischem Wissen. Diese Fähigkeit ist - so zeigt die Untersuchung - maßgebend für die Differenzen individueller Wissenstände. Dabei werden IQ und das Niveau der Bildungs- und/oder Schulleistung erfasst und mit dem Stand des politischen Wissens in Zusammenhang gebracht. Zum Motivationskomplex gehören den Autoren zufolge nationale Einstellungen, politisches Interesse, politische Engagiertheit, politische Empfänglichkeit, politisches Vertrauen, politischer Zynismus, politische Emotionen, Sympathien für politische Parteien, Bereitschaft zur Wahlbeteiligung und Selbstverständnis der untersuchten Personen. (ICG2). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.

The gruesome, terrifying brutalities of the Partition of India left a legacy of interpersonal relationships marred by suspicion, bitterness, & betrayal between men & women of the same community &, sometimes, even the same kinship group. When violence of this magnitude is folded into intimate relationships, it constitutes "poisonous knowledge." For many women, escape from this poisonous knowledge involves a "descent" into everyday life & the painstaking repair of relationships, establishing continuity between the estranged sexes & estranged generations. The cultural memory of the Partition of India includes stories of women who chose to sacrifice their lives & were valorized in family narratives & popular culture. For other women, it was possible to incorporate even serious violations into their very being in order to radically redefine the self. For these women, the events of Partition became points of origin for a new configuration of both the self & the social world. 31 References. A. Funderburg

The possibility of a counterknowledge in the face of modernity's normalizing trends is explored through a critique of the thought of Carl Schmitt. Schmitt is compared to Arnold Gehlen, both of whom were appalled by the machine-line nature of the social. Unlike Gehlen, Schmitt saw an alternative in the counterposition of the state to the social. Schmitt's notion of the social was modern, & his idea of the state was premodern. Schmitt held the classical idea that truth inheres in the "narratives of magnificence of the sovereign," & wanted to reinstate such a power/knowledge of the exceptional. It is argued that this sort of exceptionalism & the counterknowledge it implied is not possible in modernity. The modern chronically displaces the friend/foe logic of the classical onto the modern opposition of the normal vs the pathological, & because of this the exceptional can only appear as pathological. This is true of the entire modern episteme. 37 References. V. Rios

Characterizing various approaches according to "elective affinities" shared in practice, considered is how historical institutionalism defines research agendas & develops explanations. Substantive agendas, temporal arguments (historical process), & attention to context & configuration characterize historical institutionalism; these aspects are detailed to identify distinctive core strategies & discern the advantages & limits of the approach relative to others employed in empirical political science. In conclusion, broad issues of empirical research method & strategies of knowledge cumulation are addressed. J. Zendejas

The last half of the 20th century has witnessed the globalization of the economy, the weakening of the nation-state, the erosion of the welfare state, greater interconnections between science & the state, intensified administrative control, the demise of the political life, the end of imperialism, & the appearance of new social movements, which together have produced a new form of politics. Michel Foucault's analysis of the micropower, disciplinary dimensions of politics, & the close connection between knowledge & power make signal contributions in this context, because they are targeted precisely at the question of how disciplinary powers become legitimate. Moreover, Foucault's conception of government as the capacity to conduct is a more useful tool for investigating the modern condition than any other tool that the social sciences have produced. It is conceded that Foucault's notion of the ethical life as a work on the self is not very helpful, but if this conclusion seems muddled, it is only because the contemporary moment itself is muddled on the possibilities of individuality in the late 20th century. D. Ryfe

Assesses the state of the scholarship on gender & politics, focusing on US elite & mass political behavior & public opinion, arguing that the field stands at a turning point given the conceptualizations, methodological tools, cumulative knowledge, & sets of questions to address, along with the theory & method of other fields. Key issues of conceptual development & method are considered: studying categories in an individualistic discipline, linking life spaces, & building truly comparative analyses. Central to this is a discussion on the definition of gender. Following a look at institutional analysis & the gaps such inquiry leaves, attention turns to the questions, approaches, & evidence in the literature on social movements, public opinion, participation, candidates, & policymakers. Expectations for gender scholars in political science are delineated. J. Zendejas

Discusses the project of developing an ecological political economy within democratic development & the ideals of the good life & explores the challenges of constructing collective action for the democratization of political ecology. Suggestions are given of potential linkages among diverse subject positions & ecological alternatives. Steps toward an ecologically sustainable economy include the following: shifting from linear to cyclical production processes; technological innovations that would maximize the productivity of resources; taxation on resources rather than labor; sufficiency, rather than consumerism as a good life; & other steps toward the deceleration of economic processes. Ecological knowledge must be used to form a democratic political & social discourse, rather than simply being embedded in an antipolitical environmentalism. Democracy is vital to a non-reductionist, non-essentializing "poetic/political unity" that would allow ecological knowledge to be applied to the conditions for humanity's well-being. 1 Table, 1 Appendix. L. A. Hoffman

Der Beitrag berichtet über die Ergebnisse zweier Studien, die den Zusammenhang zwischen staatsbürgerlichen Wissen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Orientierungen - hauptsächlich die Einstellung gegenüber Fremden - näher untersuchen. In der ersten quasi-experimentellen Studie wird den Effekten von kognitiven Komponenten (Wissen) auf die (politischen) Einstellungen (Attitüden) in ihrer Varianz vom Alter bei Adoleszenten nachgegangen, während die zweite Studie mittels einer Befragung von Schülern die Korrelation zwischen schulischer Leistung und den Einstellungen untersucht. Beide Studien zeigen, dass staatsbürgerkundliches Wissen nur eine geringe Rolle bei der Entwicklung einer toleranten Einstellung gegenüber Ausländern spielt. Die geringe Relevanz der traditionellen staatsbürgerkundlichen Erziehung erzwingt für den Autor eine grundsätzliche Revision der Ziele und Curricula politischer Bildung. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2002 bis 2004.;;;Different ways in which school may affect adolescents' attitudes are briefly addressed, with a particular focus on the acquisition of knowledge. After that, some empirical findings are presented that shed light on the role which knowledge may play in the formation of tolerance in the political and social domain. ... In the following... two examples, taken from the research, that address the relationship between civic knowledge and civic orientations, namely concerning attitudes towards foreigners [are presented]. In the first study, an experimental intervention is used to examine the effects of knowledge on attitudes, while checking for spurious associations due to age-graded changes in both variables. Based on a larger set of questionnaire data collected in schools, the second study examines correlations between knowledge and attitudes depending on the students' grade levels. [The author concludes], if knowledge has any effect on tolerance, this seems to be mainly the case among students in the higher-grade levels. It has to be noted that the research presented could contribute to [the] thinking about civic socialization in school, but it falls short of providing conclusive evidence. More research is needed before arriving at a solid judgment on information-based civic instruction as a way to foster students' tolerance. (DIPF/orig.).

Presents a methodology for developing economic literacy using popular education techniques, drawing on 1991/92 fieldwork conducted with a group of women in Peten, Guatemala. It is observed that the first step in any such program is a proper understanding of the economic, cultural, & political reality of women as it is experienced in their daily lives, which is translated into an educational program geared to respond to this reality. The next step is to provide a group experience that allows women to learn from one another & positively reinforces each individual's abilities & knowledges. Women are inspired to become independent learners who can construct concrete visions of their economic futures & act on those visions. Economic literacy must be attached to the availability of capital so that women can expand their enterprises in the context of their communities. It is suggested that this method encourages individual & community economic development & can be used as a stepping stone for women who live in poverty to become agents rather than objects of economic forces. 1 Figure. D. M. Smith

Provides a theoretical framework for studying variation in the causes & consequences of the political activity of clergy by drawing upon research in two areas: the effects of religious beliefs on political behavior & the impact of voluntary organizations on democratic citizenship. It is noted that the current knowledge about clergy's political choices focuses on the importance of a coherent "social theology"; the availability of a credible source of religious authority; & possession of the skills needed for effective participation in political activism. The consequences of clergy's political activity for members of their congregations are examined in terms of "conversion" (persuading congregation members that a particular political position is correct); agenda setting (pointing out the religious implications of various issues); & empowerment (imparting political skills to individuals through congregational activities). In spite of an array of political resources, clergy function under substantial political, cultural, & theological constraints & the political roles of clergy vary across time, place, & congregation. J. Lindroth

Provides a theoretical framework for studying variation in the causes & consequences of the political activity of clergy by drawing upon research in two areas: the effects of religious beliefs on political behavior & the impact of voluntary organizations on democratic citizenship. It is noted that the current knowledge about clergy's political choices focuses on the importance of a coherent "social theology"; the availability of a credible source of religious authority; & possession of the skills needed for effective participation in political activism. The consequences of clergy's political activity for members of their congregations are examined in terms of "conversion" (persuading congregation members that a particular political position is correct); agenda setting (pointing out the religious implications of various issues); & empowerment (imparting political skills to individuals through congregational activities). In spite of an array of political resources, clergy function under substantial political, cultural, & theological constraints & the political roles of clergy vary across time, place, & congregation. J. Lindroth

Focuses on the impact on science of challenges by Vietnam War protestors to examine conditions under which challenges from protest movements can bring about institutional change. It is argued that such change requires both institutional vulnerability & challenges that disrupt day-to-day institutional action. Institutional vulnerability is increased by rapid growth, a high level of dispersion, connections with the state, & reliance on client relations among professions. During the 1960s-1970s, scientists who were participants in the anti-Vietnam War movement acted as mediators to refashion the movement's challenges into concrete changes in institutional rules. These challenges/vulnerabilities led to dramatic shifts in the relationship between scientists, scientific knowledge, scientific practices, & the US public. Resulting changes included increased public access to scientific knowledge, as well as scrutiny & critical analyses of science by intellectuals, especially academics. The "science wars" spawned by the scientist reaction to these criticisms are discussed, along with similarities & differences between state- & institution-targeted institutions. J. Lindroth

An introductory chapter notes that the volume grew out of a 2001 meeting of political scientists & sociologists held at the U of Maryland to assess the status & future potential of knowledge about mobilization & repression. Although there is a large body of literature dealing with these topics, attention has been imbalanced, & empirical results are extremely variable. A review of the literature on the impact of repressive behavior on protest highlights data sources & varied methodologies used for analyses. The complexity of the repression-mobilization nexus is pointed out & a model for effectively conceptualizing the relationship between dissidents & state authorities is presented. Attention is called to how the Maryland conference challenged & changed the understandings of participants & the fundamentally different model of state-dissident interactions that emerged from the research presented at the conference. The contributors to this volume analyze existing research & offer new insights. A synopsis of each chapter is included. 2 Figures, 83 References. J. Lindroth