Suchergebnisse

Meng Lingsheng. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 32-35). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- Institutional Background --- p.3 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Private Businesses in China since1978 --- p.3 ; Chapter 2.2 --- PC and CPPCC --- p.6 ; Chapter 3 --- Hypotheses --- p.7 ; Chapter 4 --- Data and Variables --- p.13 ; Chapter 5 --- Econometric Specification --- p.16 ; Chapter 6 --- Empirical Results --- p.17 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Conditional Probability Analysis of Political Participation --- p.17 ; Chapter 6.2 --- Multinomial Logit Analysis of Political Participation --- p.18 ; Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.22 ; Appendix 1: Institutional Indices --- p.24 ; Tables --- p.25 ; References --- p.32

Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Chan Chun Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-255). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vi ; List of Charts and Tables --- p.xii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Change of Attitude --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background and Research Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Plan of the Thesis --- p.7 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Concerning Political Participation and Emigration --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Emigration --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Literature of Emigration --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Emigration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Lesson from the Emigration Literature --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Political Participation --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Meaning of Political Participation --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Culturalist Theory --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Political Participation in Hong Kong --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- Limitations of Culturalist Theory --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.4 --- An Alternative Approach: Hirschman's theory --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- Introduction to Hirschman's Theory --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- Relationship between Exit and Voice --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.4.3 --- The Idea of Loyalty --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.4.4 --- Amendment and Critiques of Hirschman's Original Theory --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4.5 --- Other Literatures of Loyalty and Loyalty in Hong Kong --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.4.6 --- The Different Role of Loyalty between Hirschman´ةs Literature and Cultualist Theory --- p.41 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Historical Review: Acting between Exit and Voice --- p.44 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.44 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Push Factors --- p.45 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Political Situation before 1997 --- p.45 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Economic Situation before 1997 --- p.47 ...

李應新. ; "2004年4月". ; 論文(神(道)學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. ; 參考文獻 (leaves 45-49) ; "2004 nian 4 yue". ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Li Yingxin. ; Lun wen (shen (dao) xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 45-49) ; Chapter 第一章: --- 先知的角色 --- p.4 ; 先知分類及發展 --- p.5 ; 信息的內容及現象的發展 --- p.6 ; Chapter 第二章: --- 近代天主教就社會訓導上的立場 --- p.9 ; 近代天主教就社會訓導上的立場 --- p.9 ; 邁向光輝的十年 --- p.14 ; Chapter 第三章: --- 歷史背景的因素 --- p.17 ; 中國政府與天主教會 --- p.17 ; 港人在內地子女居留權事件 --- p.19 ; 基本法23條 --- p.23 ; 有關不民主的選舉委員會 --- p.26 ; 前神父戀童案件 --- p.27 ; 有關「校本管理」的執行 --- p.29 ; Chapter 第四章: --- 給天主教香港教區在實踐先知角色的補充建議 --- p.31 ; 何西阿先知的範例 --- p.31 ; 復和與後九七處境 --- p.32 ; 教會建構新意- --- p.34 ; 建議天主教香港教區論政的終極目標 --- p.36 ; 充權的補充 --- p.37 ; 愛與公義的原則之實踐 --- p.40 ; Chapter 第五章: --- 總結 --- p.43

資本全球擴展至今已經令我們的時代傷痕累累,各種各樣的社會運動應運而生,試圖突破現局。香港近年幾起以空間為本位的社會運動都甚為引人注目,其中利東街社區運動可謂開風氣之先,草擬了香港首份民間規劃方案──啞鈴方案,此後受拆遷影響的社區除了選擇賠償和安置以外,還可以選擇集體抗爭爭取民間規劃。提出了香港首份民間規劃劃方案固然意義重大,不過利東街社區運動留給我們遠不止於此。本論文從頭梳理一遍利東街社區運動的經驗,由一九九八年土地發展公司正式宣佈重建利東街,至市區重建局接手後利東街街坊成立H15重建關注組、提出爭取賠償安置以外的訴求、及後草擬啞鈴方案爭取落實以人為本的規劃。雖然啞鈴方案最後不獲局方接受,無法落實,卻為社區所可以有的政治意義帶來豐富的內容。本論文透過整理利東街社區運動的經驗,歸納並提出社區在資本主義全球化下所能夠展現出來的政治意義。 ; The global expansion of capital has brought to our contemporaries wounds and scars, leading thereby to social movements of all types. In the recent years in Honk Kong, we have witnessed many social movements concerned with spatial issues, among them some are more eye-catching while some of them not. Lee Tung Street community movement, among all the spatially minded social movements, is one with exceptional importance. It has marked a new beginning for other community movements by proposing the first ever community-based redevelopment plan ──Dumbbell Proposal. Although the Dumbbell was rejected in the end despite untiring efforts from the Lee Tung Street community and supports from various public ranks, Lee Tung Street community movement has left us with an enriched concept of "community", which is filled with political meanings, and potentials to fight the hegemonic capitalist globality. This thesis will consolidate experiences in different stages of Lee Tung Street community movement, from the time when Land Development Company first announced the redevelopment project, to the period when the community organized themselves into a group called H15 concern group which launched the famous Dumbbell Proposal. From these events, I will extract and explain the political meanings of "community", which paves a way for alternatives in our globalized society. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 陳倩玉. ; Parallel title from English abstract. ; Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-113). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chen Qianyu.

現代信息技術,以其多元、快速的優勢使人們對中國的民主抱以樂觀的態度。公民參與是一個健康的民主制度的核心要素,如何促進公民的政治參與一直是政治參與研究領域的焦點問題。在互聯網時代,尤其是社交媒體的出現,其廉價、方便、互動性的技術優勢大大增加了政治參與的可行性。大學學生是"互聯網一代"和中國知識分子的代表。因此,了解他們的社會媒體使用行為如何影響其政治知識、政治感知和政治行為、對於認識未來中國的政治變革是重要的。本研究提出"社交媒體使用"及"在線新聞使用"兩個概念,並以此視作政治參與和民主實踐研究範疇下的新討論焦點。 ; 本研究主要探討以下問題:(1)大學生通過何種渠道在線獲取新聞;(2)大學生使用不同的媒體平台獲取新聞的情況如何;(3)在線新聞使用同傳統新聞媒體使用之間的關係如何;(4)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用,政治知識,政治效能,政治信任和政治參與等核心變量之間的關係; 以及(5)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用之於政治知識、政治感知和政治參與的相對重要性。 ; 本研究採用定量的研究方法。研究的主體是對中國大陸在校大學本科及研究生進行問卷調查;調查前,焦點小組輔助研究結構建立與問卷設計。問卷調查採用多階層整群抽樣的方法,在北京抽取了兩所"elite工程"大學,在長春及杭州各抽取一所非"elite工程"大學的學生參與,樣本數量為624人。研究結果顯示,當中97.4% 的受訪者均使用互聯網獲取新聞。因子分析結果顯示,中國內地大學生主要經由三種信息渠道在線獲取新聞,分別是海外新聞渠道、社交媒體渠道,以及官方新聞渠道。不同信息渠道的使用者其政治常識、政治效能和政治信任亦有所區別。同時,本研究還發現傳統新聞同網絡新聞的使用之間存在互補的關係。 ; 研究結果顯示,人口學變量超越社交媒體和在線新聞使用兩個變量對中國內地大學生的政治認知及政治知識的形成發揮最重要的作用。研究還發現社交媒體和在線新聞在促進線上和線下政治參與方面具有很大潛力。結論部分將詳述本研究的貢獻與實踐意義。 ; Citizen participation is a core element of a healthy democracy, and what facilitates citizens' political activities has long been a central interest in political participation research. In the age of the Internet, especially with the appearance of social media, political participation is greatly facilitated by technology that makes information inexpensive, accessible, and interactive. Modern information technology, with its pluralism and fast speed, has made people optimistic about democracy. University students represent the Net generation and intellectuals in China; therefore, understanding how their social media use affects political knowledge, perception, and participation is valuable, to bring political change to China in the future. ; Expanding the line of previous research, this study aims to address the question of the democratic implications of social media use and online news seeking from the vantage point of how individuals seek news online and how such use may be related to several key indications of individuals' engagement in political life as citizens. Specifically, this study examines (a) the sources through which university students ...

Ma Lai Yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract (English version) --- p.ii ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1 ; Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong ; Chapter I) --- Political Background ; The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7 ; The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8 ; The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9 ; Chapter II) --- Technological Background ; Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature ; Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects" ; The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14 ; Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15 ; Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17 ; "Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19 ; Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet" ; Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23 ; Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26 ; Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28 ; The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong ; 1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36 ; The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Research Design and Sampling --- p.44 ; Survey Sample Profile --- p.45 ; Content Analysis --- p.46 ; Textual Analysis --- p.47 ; Measurements of variables --- p.48 ; Analytical Procedures --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations ; Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52 ; Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54 ; Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60 ; Correlational ...

by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 ; Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 ; Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 ; "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 ; Reference --- p.187

本論文以政治學及心理學的理論為基礎,探討社會人士的集體行動及政治參與行為及其背後的心理因素,以及網上新聞的普及對這些行為、意向是否具催化作用。根據政治學及社會心理學文獻,團體在社會得到的社會認定「social identity」)及個人對自身的政治功效意識 (「political efficacy」)往往是影響人們集體行動及政治參與(稱「團體參與行動」「intergroup participatory actions」)程度的決定因素。不過,個人/團體對集體行動的參與意向跟媒體使用及社會人士的實際參與之間的關係在文獻中似乎從未提到。然而,這方面的研究在現今數碼時代十分重要。 ; 關於網上新聞的影響,主要的文獻論述有二:工具性論述指出網上資訊澎湃、隨手可得,且成本極低,網上新聞的使用對社會人士參與政治有直接影響(本論文將驗證此觀點,是為假設一);心理學論述指出網上新聞對人們的影響視乎個人既有的心理素質。本文主張個人參與集體行動及參與政治的意向在於人們是否能從這些行動中得到高度的「社會認定」及「政治功效意識」;而這兩方面又可隨著個人接觸的網上資訊增加而得以提昇,因為人們傾向選擇接收那些肯定他們既有看法及態度的資訊(即「選擇性暴露理論」),以及那些提昇他們對某社群歸屬感的資訊(即「使用與滿足理論」)。本文提出下列觀點,並加以驗證:網上新聞的普及提昇「個人功效意識」(假設二)、提昇「集體功效意識」(假設三)、提昇參與團體行動人士得到的「社會認定」(假設四),而個人/團體從社會認定中得到的滿足對他們實際參與團體行動有驅動作用(假設五)。 ; 本文對在美國及香港具代表性的民意調查作出分析,分析結果跟上列的假設吻合。然後進行了一項實驗,其結果指出「個人功效意識」或可作為「政治功效意識」內一有效的獨立準則。本人在美國及香港進行民意調查(各地兩項;所涉及的調查相隔一年),並作迴歸分析,以驗證上述有關社會人士參與集體行動及政治意向的假設,研究重點包括人們的投票意向、示威意向、議題參與意向及公民參與意向。研究結果支持假設一(即工具性論述)及假設三(即有關「集體功效意識」的心理學論述)的有效性。假設二(有關「個人功效意識」)及假設四(有關「社會認定」)可作進一步驗證。研究中所有具統計學顯著意義的結果卻否定了假設五(有關「社會認定」對個人/團體帶來的滿足程度)的有效信度。 ; 最後,研究局限、結果應用等亦會在文中細述。 ; Applying an interdisciplinary and integrative theoretical perspective and framework, this thesis is concerned with the role of Internet news on collective action and political participation, and the important moderating role of certain psychological antecedents on the relationship. The literature shows that identification with a group (social identity) and the feeling that one could make a substantive difference (political efficacy) are two important predictors of such actions (termed "intergroup participatory actions in this thesis). However, the processes that link the antecedents of participatory behaviors to media use and then to actual participation have been neglected. Such an examination is important in the digital age where the Internet provides citizens a media environment where access to information about politics and social causes is easy, cheap and abundant. ; Two views of the impact of Internet are prevalent in the literature. The "instrumental" view argues that Internet use has a direct effect on ...

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...

Tsang Chun Wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [98-103]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgement --- p.i ; Abbreviations --- p.ii ; List of tables and figures --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Plan of the Dissertation --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Demonstrating The Electoral Decline --- p.5 ; The Changing Hong Kong Electorate --- p.5 ; The Electoral Decline of DP --- p.10 ; Aggregate vs. Individual Changes --- p.14 ; The DP Voters --- p.19 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: Hints From Literature --- p.29 ; Electoral Change in Western Democracies --- p.29 ; Factors of Voting Behavior --- p.35 ; Voting Behavior Studies in Hong Kong --- p.41 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: A Speculation --- p.48 ; Societal Changes in Hong Kong --- p.49 ; Political Attitudes --- p.54 ; Hypothesis --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: Testing The Hypothesis --- p.65 ; Measurement of Variables --- p.65 ; Findings: Bivariate Analysis --- p.71 ; Findings: Multivariate Analysis --- p.75 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; The Electoral Decline of DP: The Story in Summary --- p.83 ; Limitations --- p.87 ; At the End --- p.93 ; Bibliography --- p.98

第三次民主化浪潮及其所代表的世界性民主化转型使得许多人相信民主不仅具有其本身的价值,而且有助于提高大众的福利水平。不少学者曾研究过民主制度与社会福利产出之间的关系。然而,在解释两者关系时并未得到一致性的结论。在很多情况下,民主制国家在改善人类发展指标和提高福利水平方面并没得到社会所期待的结果,而且经常被非民主制国家所超越。政治制度如何影响社会福利表现?民主化和社会福利发展之间是否存在取舍矛盾?如果这种取舍矛盾存在,如何将民主化的社会代价减到最小? ; 本研究试图加深我们对政治制度性质与社会福利产出水平之间关系的理解。为此,本文以维度路径分析政治制度的不同维度如何影响政府采取不同类型的政策选择。本文的核心问题是:民主制的哪些方面有利于/不利于哪种公共政策的实现?民主的不同维度能够促进/抑制哪些政策?竞争性选举和公众参与形成本研究的两个自变量维度。本研究应变量的两个维度是两种政府回应性:政府对公民基本需求(basic needs)的回应,即代表了社会福利表现的改进,以及政府对公民要求(wants and demands)的回应,即代表了满足群体所呼吁的而非客观上对其有利的政策福利。两者在概念上有所不同。本文首先在理论上分析自变量和应变量不同维度之间的关系,继而引用实证科学的定量和定性基本方法来检验所建立的理论关系。 ; 本研究证明,并非所有的导致回应要求(wants)的民主属性也有助于使政府回应基本需求(basic needs)。公众要求和公众客观需求作为公共政策所回应的目标具有不同的特征。从委托-代理理论框架来看,回应公众基本需求的政策需要政府采取不同于在回应主观要求时所采取的措施。由于这些不同点,在两个民主维度(政治竞争和公众参与)当中,只有后者对基本需求有积极影响,而前者往往会阻碍以回应基本需求为目的的政策。在政治竞争压力之下,追求选票最大化的政治家更倾向于采取回应社会现有要求的短期措施,且往往以忽视客观需求为代价。因此,为了避免民主化的高成本,需要促进民主的参与维度,且同时要缓解其竞争维度的激烈性。 ; The shift towards democracy globally under the "third wave" of democratization has stirred the conviction that democracy is not only a good thing in itself but also a promoter of general welfare. A considerable amount of research has been conducted to explore the effects of democracy on social outcomes. However, unequivocal conclusions regarding democracy's impact on health, education, life expectancy and other aspects of human well-being have not been achieved. Many democracies do not perform as good as they are expected to and are often outperformed by non-democratic regimes. Questions appear: How does political regime affect social performance? Is there a trade-off between democratization, on the one hand, and social development, on the other? If there is, how should democratization be carried out so as not to inhibit human well-being? ; This dissertation attempts to enhance our understanding of the impact of political regime on social outcomes by applying a dimensional approach. Instead of asking whether democracy is good or bad, it asks: which dimensions of political regime are good for which kinds of outcomes? What kinds of policies are promoted and what ...