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This article defines both populism and political participation, tells why they are both important and how they interact and interrelate. Program and policy implications are drawn.

The purpose of this study is to investigate whether online political participation can predict the strengthening of offline political participation by using privacy concerns as an instrumental variable. Accordingly, the 2SLS analysis was applied using the Korea Media Panel Survey data of 2016 conducted by the Korea Information Society Development Institute (KISDI). As a result, age and ideological inclination were found to be more important factors in offline political participation than by socioeconomic status. In addition, the use of an instrumental variable to control the direction of causality indicates that online political participation reinforces offline political participation. As a result of habituated daily online activities, it is suggested that a new participatory group, especially low socioeconomic strata, may be mobilized due to the influence of online political participation. This research eliminating the possibility of two-way causality between online and offline political participation is meaningful in finding that online participation activities can reinforce offline political participation and that it is possible to mobilize the groups that were alienated from offline political participation.

This paper deals with the development and obstacles of Korean women-s political participation in recent years. Since the year 1948 after the declaration of a modern state, Korea has tried to establish the democracy but still in the field of women-s political participation it meets a lot of problems such as women-s political consciousness, male dominated political culture and institutional constraints. After the introduction of quota system in the list of political party, women-s political participation began to change its configuration. More women candidates have willingly presented at elections.

While Somali tradition explicitly supports discursive decision-making, it consistently excludes women from decision-making processes. In making impressive strides towards establishing a durable representative democracy, Somaliland women have become increasingly vocal and active in calling for democratic institutions to be extended meaningfully to women. Women's groups have succeeded in winning unprecedented inclusion, but not without obstacles. In response to these challenges, a number of women activists decided to form an 'umbrella' organization—the Nagaad network—dedicated to pooling the resources of the many small and fragmented groups pressing for greater women's participation, and committed to collective advocacy and capacity building among member organizations. For many years Nagaad has been agitating for the introduction of a quota for women and ethnic minority groups in parliament. In what would be one of the single most significant steps in their battle for improved political participation for women, that quota is again on the agenda. The Somaliland President now has a female advisor on women's affairs, and is has been actively reviewing a policy paper suggesting a 20 per cent quota for women in both the upper and lower houses of parliament. An attempt to introduce such a quota for local elections in 2012 failed at the final hurdle, but there is, again, hope for success; this time in the lower house of parliament. The approach used by Nagaad builds strongly on Somali discursive custom, with members holding meetings and conferences, and talking actively to individuals both within the political establishment and beyond. Traditionally, women have played an often vital role in peace building and reconciliation, shuttling between the clan of father and husband relaying messages that could not be safely carried by males. However, to date women have not been offered a formal say in political decision-making. This case study seeks to understand the approach used by Nagaad, and outlines the socio-cultural, legal and political contexts necessary to understanding the significance of the network's work in Somaliland.

University of Maryland, Baltimore. Nursing. Ph.D. 2008 ; Background. The study of nursing political participation is important because nurses need to develop skills required to move nursing's political agenda's forward. Nursing is 2.9 million strong but lacks the voice to take charge of its destiny. Nursing has the potential to be a powerful force in setting the agenda for health care reform. The purpose for this study was to evaluate political participation of nurses across all levels of education, to determine how nurses define political participation, identify the factors that motivate/hinder activity, and establish the stage of political development for the sample. Methods. The study utilized a cross sectional mail survey design to measure political participation at the individual nurse's level. The sample was surveyed utilizing the 2004 modification of Hanley's (1983, 1987) Political Participation tool. Open-ended questions were added to the survey to obtain the meaning of political action, note the prompts for action, and if not active to suggest what could be done to increase participation. Through analysis of both the qualitative and quantitative data, the researcher was able to evaluate the sample's level of political development as identified by Cohen et al. (1996). Findings. Nurses possessing advanced degrees were more politically active with respect to campaigning activities. Participatory, involved, informed, voting and effecting changes were the major themes derived from the qualitative data. Multiple linear regression was utilized to identify factors contributing to political activity. Organizational membership, age, political attitudes, and family background variables were found to be significantly and independently associated with nurses' political activity. Analysis of the sample's stage of political development demonstrated that the sample is in the initial stages of political development. Conclusions. This study explored political participation of nurses across all levels of education with ...

In this paper, I propose that depression is a political phenomenon insofar as it has political sources and consequences. I then investigate one aspect of this argument—whether depression reduces participation. I hypothesize that individuals with depression lack the motivation and physical capacity to vote and engage in other forms of political participation due to somatic problems and feelings of hopelessness and apathy. Moreover, I examine how depression in adolescence can have downstream consequences for participation in young adulthood. The analyses, using both cross-sectional and longitudinal data, show that voter turnout and other forms of participation decrease as the severity of depressed mood increases. These findings are discussed in light of disability rights and potential efforts to boost participation among this group.

This essay identifies and discusses the factors and forces arising from finance that influence peoples' political participation. It does so at two levels: (1) micro-economic or individual and (2) macro-economic and social. We find that both factors and forces at work are significantly adverse to political participation at all levels. The prime intermediate factor here is economic inequality, which is the subject of a companion essay published earlier.

Despite it being a debated issue in recent decades, there is in fact no consensus regarding the potentialities of the Internet for the strengthening of citizens' political participation and – by extension – of democracy itself. Nonetheless, this "new medium", and, in particular, its Web 2.0 version has become the cornerstone of communication strategies for both political parties and their candidates. Several questions emerge from the debate about the impact of the internet on political participation. First of all, the very concept of political participa- tion. Despite its importance in the theory of democracy, this concept is not always easy to define with rigor particularly when it comes to the form and boundaries of such participation. Actually, the ultimate issue is whether we are currently witnessing a "crisis of participation" or quite the contrary, the rise of alternative forms thereof. Secondly, the debate about the so-called "crisis of democracy" is also central when thinking about political participa- tion in our times. Democratic societies are experiencing a democratic deficit, to a large extend a crisis of confidence in traditional political parties, by which citizens feel misrepresented and hence alienated from righteous participation in their political destiny. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

We investigate how the link between individual schooling and political participation is a ected by country characteristics which determine the relative productivity of human capital in political versus production activities. In our model, individuals face an e ort-allocation decision over the use of their human capital. Focusing on the role played by country factor endowments, we show that the abundance of a factor that is used in the least (respectively most) human capital-intensive sector will increase (respectively decrease) both: (i) the level of individual political participation; and (ii) the responsiveness of individual political participation to increases in human capital. We provide empirical evidence for these predictions by showing that the interaction of individual-level data on schooling with country-level measures of factor endowments helps to explain patterns of individual political participation (from the World Values Survey). Our model further allows us to derive predictions regarding the level of human capital that would be chosen by a utilitymaximizing ruler who anticipates the e ort-allocation decisions of his citizens: The abundance of any factor endowment that is used intensively in the least human capital-intensive sectors will tend to increase political participation ex post, and hence will lead the ruler to discourage human capital accumulation. We nd broad empirical support for this in the cross-country data. Our model thus o ers a framework which jointly explains patterns of individual political participation, as well as country di erences in levels of public investment in education.

Political participatlon has become very popular in recent years. Youth participation, in particular, has gained importance because politicians pay more attention to the participation of the youth, After the 1950s, the age oİ enfranchisement in most countries of the world decreased from twenty-one to eighteen. ln terms of pluralistic democracy, this change can be interpreted as an achievement. A pluralistic democracy collaborates with political elites. The public remains informed by the media, and their function is to Vote for a government. Under this system, the main concern is stability-if the system is stable, democracy will be successful. However, many critical scholars of democracy think that this assumption of a pluralistic democracy produces apathy among the masses. Apathy is a great danger to democracy. ln fact, scholars of pIuralistic democracy have always been aware of this apathy; they have only recently atfirmed it. Thus, my assumption is that the youth's apathy, in particular, is affirmed by the political system itself. The youth's role is restricted to voting, Moreover, the media plays an important role in shaping the people's attitude toward youth participation, What is the role of the media at this point? ln a democratic country, the media's main function is to keep the people informed. This view was criticized through research that focused on the media ownershıp, media logic, the strategic use of media technologies, and so on. ln this study, l want to focus on the framing effect that the media has on public opinion. l wish to study the framing effect as a descriptive tool. By using the episodic effect, the media can focus on partlcular aspects ot the youth's political participation. The media represents poljtical movements of the youth in a negative light, and thiS is considered a guide to being a 'normal' student, The media never examines the ways in which the youth can be more involved in the political environment of a country. l also analyse episodic framing practised by the print media in Turkey wıth respect to the political protests of the youth. My assumption is that the medıa supports the political system by encouraging political apathy among the youth. ln Turkey, the average age of participants of movements is between eighteen and twenty-one years (university students). The media labels the young people who participate in social movements'guilty', l studied print media news reports on a student protest held at the Ankara University's Faculty of Political Science on 8 December 2010. The students were protesting against a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Burhan Kuzu; some Students even threw eggs at him, The press paid great attention to this event. For this purpose, l have employed the framing effect technique to analyse the three most popular news reports in Turkey for a week in December 2010 in an attempt to understand the relationship between youth participation and the framing etfect ol the media, ln brief, these reports declared the protesters terrorists and enemies of the public.

Scholars have recently started to integrate personality traits into models of political participation. In this paper, we present the results of a survey experiment (N = 724) designed to test whether negative political messages differentially impact people with different personality traits. We found evidence that individuals with high scores on agreeableness were less likely, and individuals with high scores on extraversion were more likely, to report intending to participate in politics than their counterparts after being exposed to negative political messages. Agreeableness and extraversion also interacted with negative messages to influence specific intentions to make a political donation, attend a meeting, rally, or event, and volunteer for a political campaign. We also found suggestive evidence that agreeableness interacted with negativity to influence turnout intentions. The results of this study have important implications for the study of political engagement, the ways in which people interact with political information, and the practice of democratic politics.

Scholars have recently started to integrate personality traits into models of political participation. In this paper, we present the results of a survey experiment (N = 724) designed to test whether negative political messages differentially impact people with different personality traits. We found evidence that individuals with high scores on agreeableness were less likely, and individuals with high scores on extraversion were more likely, to report intending to participate in politics than their counterparts after being exposed to negative political messages. Agreeableness and extraversion also interacted with negative messages to influence specific intentions to make a political donation, attend a meeting, rally, or event, and volunteer for a political campaign. We also found suggestive evidence that agreeableness interacted with negativity to influence turnout intentions. The results of this study have important implications for the study of political engagement, the ways in which people interact with political information, and the practice of democratic politics. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

This paper proposes a framework for understanding the joint evolution of cultural norms and human capital investment, and how these affect patterns of political participation. We first present some empirical evidence that cultural attitudes towards obedience systematically influence an individual's propensity to engage in different political activities: obedience discourages more confrontational modes of political activity (such as public demonstrations), while raising participation in non-confrontational civic acts (such as voting). These cultural attitudes further appear to be determined in part by cultural transmission across generations. Motivated by this evidence, we develop a dynamic model in which human capital and obedience are both inputs in political and production activities. Individuals optimally choose how to allocate their human capital across these activities, taking their obedience levels as given. They also decide how much to invest in their child's human capital and the degree of obedience to imbue them with. In a baseline case in which the economy features only one traditional sector (say, production-line manufacturing) in which obedience raises productivity, we find that the steady state features a strict complementarily between obedience and human capital: depending on other exogenous forces such as the productivity of human capital, a country could end up in either an \East Asian" steady state of high obedience, high human capital, and relatively non-confrontational politics, or in a converse \Latin American" steady state. However, a richer set of results emerges when we introduce a second production sector (innovation) in which obedience is counter-productive. In particular, a steady state in which obedience is low but human capital levels are high is now possible. Our approach thus illustrates how cultural norms, human capital accumulation, and political participation evolve as the economy advances.

The chapter gives an overview of recent developments within participation and electoral research, and discusses the current state of affairs with regard to data provision and access. It concludes with several recommendations: (a) to tag a small number of key political variables as constant elements of the future question programmes of both the ALLBUS and the GSOEP, thereby creating substantial amounts of synergy at little marginal cost; (b) to establish a National Election Study in Germany by providing the current GLES project (which is funded by the DFG to study the 2009, 2013 and 2017 national elections) with a constant logistic and methodological support infrastructure by GESIS, and on the long run by providing a regular follow-up study to this project with a stable basis of reliable public funding and a firm institutional embedding, preferably by including it into the remit of GESIS; (c) to adapt the data services of the statistical offices in several respects more closely to the data requirements of participation and electoral research; (d) to establish a formal obligation for public agencies to submit survey data collected under their auspices in due time to the public domain for purposes of secondary analysis.

Chapter 1 introduces the topic and the contention of this book. Is political participation possible in the Islamic Republic, and if so, to what extent? What type of political participation is permitted? This chapter elucidates the construction of the argument that underpins this book: that political participation, encouraged by the reformist governments (1997–2005) with the goal of renewing state legitimacy and controlling autonomous activism, eventually led to the development of independent citizens, critical of the state and its engineered participation. Despite being carried out by a minority, the political work of such independent activists was not marginal: without them, in fact, the Green Movement of 2009 would have not taken shape. This chapter discusses theories of democratisation and authoritarian resilience, along with Foucault's governmentality, to contextualise this book's approach to the study of reformism. This book contributes to the debate about the implications of top-down reforms for social reproduction, offering an innovative interpretation of reformism and an original analysis of social movements from a political science perspective.