The opposition between the participationist approach, which favours wide participation of the people in democratic political process, and the deliberationist model, according to which political power should be exercised by people endowed with adequate cognitive competences, remains an important theme of the present debates in the theory of democracy. The author believes that those interpretations of the deliberationist model which perceive knowledge as a primary source of legitimation of participation in the political power, are guilty of a "cognitivist fallacy", and points out to dangers stemming from ascribing a prominent role to cognitive competences. In opposition to the "epistocratic" model, he stressed the importance of political skill in the governance of democratic systems. Taking as a starting point the belief that the normative ideal of democracy is based upon an egalitarian assumption of potentially universal ability to develop the political skill, he claims that this potentiality can be actualized through the very participation in political activity. ; Opozycja między podejściem partycypacjonistycznym, zakładającym szerokie uczestnictwo obywateli w demokratycznym procesie politycznym, a modelem deliberacjonistycznym, według którego władzę polityczną winny sprawować osoby obdarzone odpowiednimi kompetencjami poznawczymi, pozostaje ważkim tematem współczesnych debat w teorii demokracji. Autor twierdzi, że interpretacje modelu deliberacjonistycznego, uznające wiedzę za wiodące źródło prawomocnego uczestnictwa w sprawowaniu władzy politycznej, są obciążone "błędem kognitywistycznym" oraz wskazuje na niebezpieczeństwa wynikające z przypisania istotnej roli politycznej kompetencjom poznawczym.W opozycji do modelu "epistokratycznego" kładzie nacisk na wagę umiejętności politycznej w zarządzaniu systemami demokratycznymi. Biorąc za punkt wyjścia normatywny ideał demokracji, oparty na egalitarnym założeniu o potencjalnie powszechnej zdolności do kształtowania umiejętności politycznej, twierdzi, że ta potencjalność może się aktualizować przez samym udział w aktywności politycznej.
The fact of women not being awarded political rights in the first stage of forming a representative system of government marks the beginning of the period of struggle for their political inclusion. This paper presents the process of fighting for women's political inclusion, its stages, participants, strategies, arguments for granting electoral rights to women followed by their participation in decision-making processes on equal terms with men.
The role and importance of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in solving global problems, developing human rights, democratic principles, reforms, modernizing public life and developing a global civil society is constantly increasing. INGOs have become new actors in the system of world politics and international relations. There was a need to study the activities of INGOs around the world in the field of history, law, sociology, philosophy, political science. In recent years, many INGOs have appeared in the world, and they work in all countries of the world in such priorities as ensuring human rights, freedom of speech, the economy, the social sphere, the environment, etc. Today, there is an increasing need for a comprehensive study of the activities of INGOs, trends in their increase in the number and rapid growth, influence on the domestic and foreign policies of states and in shaping the global political agenda. The emergence of global problems and the lack of strength and political will of some countries to solve them slow down the integration processes around the world. Especially, there is a need for cooperation in the issues of democratization, liberalization and modernization of public administration and public life. Therefore, today the role and participation of INGOs in solving such issues is increasing. An important result of INGO activity is constructivism and pragmatism.
Artykuł jest próbą pokazania ewolucji i stanu społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce w ćwierć wieku po transformacji ustrojowej na podstawie najważniejszych badań zastanych oraz badań i obserwacji własnych. Nawiązuje też do obecnej w polskim dyskursie od połowy XIX w. do dziś tezy o trudnościach w budowie polskiego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Z przeprowadzonej analizy wynika, że Polacy rzeczywiście rzadziej stowarzyszają się nie tylko w porównaniu z obywatelami Europy Zachodniej, ale nawet w porównaniu z obywatelami innych krajów postkomunistycznych. Polską specyfiką jest wreszcie z jednej strony wielość rozmaitych stowarzyszeń, w tym także reprezentujących tzw. nowe ruchy społeczne, z drugiej zaś – ich kadrowy charakter. Przynależność do stowarzyszeń nie jest w Polsce masowa, nie jest elementem kultury politycznej społeczeństwa, lecz ma charakter elitarny. Media społecznościowe mogą ułatwić komunikowanie się i współdziałanie w sprawach publicznych, ale na razie rolę tę pełnią w niewielkim stopniu. ; This paper is an attempt to present the evolution and the condition of the civil society in Poland 25 years after the transformation of the political regime. The analysis is based on the existing results of earlier research and on the author's own studies and observations. It also refers to the discourse that has been going on in Poland since the middle of the nineteenth century on the difficulties in building a Polish civil society. As the analysis shows, Poles do indeed, affiliate much less frequently than citizens in West European states, or, even in comparison with citizens of other post-communist states. Another Polish specificity is that although there is a variety of organisations and associations, also representing followers of new social movements, most of them are elite in character. Membership in organisations does not have a mass character in Poland, nor is an element of political culture. Social networks may, eventually, facilitate communication and collaboration in social matters. Their role today, however, is negligible.
The article is focused on the issue of the representation of interests in the process of shaping public policies. In particular, it addresses issues related to regulatory management regarding relations with interest groups and strategies used by stakeholders in consultation processes. In addition, we aim to discuss the role that interest groups play in public policies. The analysis concerns the activities of Polish interest groups in the area of copyright, which deserves attention due to the diversity of actors and the asymmetry of interests. The analysis makes it possible to state that the actions taken by stakeholders in strengthening the representation of their interests lead to "overrepresentation" of these interests, which - in the absence of appropriate regulatory management mechanisms for the participation of parties in consultations - increases the risk of the phenomenon of "regulatory capture" by entities. The data was collected as part of the legislative monitoring of drafts of legal-copyright laws proceeded in 2013-2019, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted in 2015-2018. In order to illustrate lobbying strategies, a method of analyzing social networks was used.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions. ; The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
Young Citizen – Nonvoter? Students of Institute of Political Science (Pedagogical University in Cracow) as Participations of Electoral ProcessesTh e author concentrates on the problem of a role of young citizens in a contemporarystate and society. For this reason he assumes that their social and political attitudes,which are shaped today, will determine the quality of democracy in the future. In descriptionof motivation for voting we should notice not only the problem of internalapathy but also external alienation. Th e author, relating to empirical data from hisown research among students of Pedagogical University in Cracow, attempts to showreasons of their political passivity. Nonvoter in this study is understood as a personwho declares an absence in all kinds of election (local, parliamentary, presidential,European). Th e analysis of group of students who are potentially nonvoters leads tothe conclusion that young citizens are unplugged. Th ey are disappointed with contemporarypolitics and generally not connected with any political, social and localorganizations.
ISAF operation is one of the hardest missions in the history of Polish Armed Forces in the Post‑Coll War era. Polish Army activity in Afghanistan is also noticeable among other NATO countries. However military involvement in this operation meets a number of challenges, especially when it comes to national security and defence policy. The article discusses these problems, such as: financial aspects of PKW Afghanistan; its influence on the process of modernization of Polish Army; military actitivy in Ghazni province; ideas to withdraw Polish forces prematurely; or political aspects of Polish involvement in Central Asia. Author distinguished several positive and negative aspects of Polish participation in the ISAF operation. Among negative, author listed e.g. the lack of complex solutions (financial, political, organizational) implemented by Poland to improve the security and functioning of PKW Afghanistan. However, it has to be also noted that the military involvement in Afghanistan allows to strengthen Polish position in the Atlantic Alliance. It also caused a major shift in the process of modernization of Polish Army.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns 'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
Czech and Hungarian Right: ODS and Fidesz in the party systems. An attempt of qualitative and quantitative analysis The analysis of article touches the strength and position that characterize the dominant rightist parties in the Czech Republic (ODS) and Hungary (Fidesz). There are three parts in the narrative structure of the article. The first one is connected with qualitative side of the proces of birth, development and contemporary situation of ODS and Fidesz. The second one refers the two parties to their native systems of parties. The third one takes quantitative analysis of the two parties' influence on public life: index of party participation in governments, index of governmental responsibility of a party and index of electoral support measured during parliamentary elections (takes into account a position of a party inside a family of conservative and Christian‑democratic parties as well). The role of ODS and Fidesz in the party systems of the Czech Republic and Hungary comes from the party strategic behaviour and programs and from the surrounding environment (other parties, institutions etc.). These factors are complementary and influence high position of Fidesz and low of ODS nowadays.
In the Author's opinion, if the development of civic society is to be measured in terms of participation in political life and involvement in non-government organizations East Germans seem to have adapted to the new reality better than Poles. However, if we take into consideration the potential of both nations Poles still stand a chance to build an efficient, and, first of all, their own, modern society. The advantage of having retained their own country, although so often criticized by Poles, may turn out to be fundamental. East Germans could not enjoy this privilege. ; In the Author's opinion, if the development of civic society is to be measured in terms of participation in political life and involvement in non-government organizations East Germans seem to have adapted to the new reality better than Poles. However, if we take into consideration the potential of both nations Poles still stand a chance to build an efficient, and, first of all, their own, modern society. The advantage of having retained their own country, although so often criticized by Poles, may turn out to be fundamental. East Germans could not enjoy this privilege.
While many people all over the world become conscious about serious defects and inefficiencies of the prevailing political systems based on representative democracy, alternative solutions for more just and inclusive systems of governance continue developing. Alternative forms of democracy based on the idea of civic participation and deliberation have more and more followers, who are willing to implement innovative participatory and collective decision making practices in various areas and at various organizational levels. However, the strife for greater self-governance, reinforcement of citizens role in political decision-making processes and establishment of bottom-up control over public expenditures is often considered as a merely utopian project, especially by those who benefit most from the current status quo. In this article, I examine the fundamental ideological challenges for the new egalitarian approaches and argue that instead of making dichotomous distinction between utopianism and realism, realistically utopian approach is the most desirable.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Analysis of the theoretical aspects of the principle of positive discrimination, constitutional conditions of its application in relation to national minorities in Poland.THE RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND METHODS: Many sciences are interested in the issue. The principle fits into the conception of democracy described as values, procedures, and in the substantial sense. In Poland positive discrimination is a principle established in the Constitution. There are many areas where national minorities are at a disadvantage, which requires preferential measures. The analysis uses linguistic, teleological, systemic and legal-systemic analysis methodsTHE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After terminological considerations on the nature and substance of the principle, the analysis of its specificity as a tool for balancing disadvantages of minority groups, and its place in the implementation of democratic principles, the author examines the legal conditions for the implementation of this principle. The subject of interest is the provisions of the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland, of the National and Ethnic Minorities and Regional Language Act, and also those included in the Electoral Code, designed to facilitate participation of members of national minorities in political rivalry.RESEARCH RESULTS: In Poland for 20 years positive discrimination exists as a principle articulated in the Basic Law. Although the percentage of minorities in Poland is hardly perceptible, the situation of members of these groups requires some support. It is particularly important to compensate for disparities in political participation. Implementing of the rule does not seem to be a problem.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Although in the Constitution the principle of positive discrimination has existed for 20 years, national minorities can enjoy preferential treatment for about a decade. This is an extremely necessary tool for the consolidation of democracy. In Poland, it still functions only in its institutional form, subject to legal regulations. This is related to the level of development of democracy and the building of civil society. Awareness-raising actions are needed, so as to slowly introduce activities that are encouraging not only the minorities themselves to work to improve their position, but also to direct the organizations to ethical standards in the field. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Zbadanie teoretycznych aspektów zasady pozytywnej dyskryminacji, ustrojowych uwarunkowań jej zastosowania w odniesieniu do mniejszości narodowych w Polsce.PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Zagadnienie interesuje przedstawicieli wielu nauk, wpasowuje się w koncepcję demokracji ujmowanej jako wartości, procedury i w sensie substancjalnym. W Polsce pozytywna dyskryminacja ma rangę zasady ustrojowej. Mniejszości narodowe znajdują się w niekorzystnej sytuacji wymagającej zastosowania preferencyjnych środków. W analizie zastosowano metodę analizy językowej, celowościowej, systemowej oraz prawno- ustrojowejPROCES WYWODU: Po ustaleniach terminologicznych, dotyczących charakteru i istoty pozytywnej dyskryminacji, jako narzędzia wyrównywania niekorzystnych sytuacji grup mniejszościowych oraz jej miejsca w realizacji zasad demokracji, autorka bada uwarunkowania prawne realizacji zasady. Przedmiotem zainteresowania są zapisy Konstytucji RP z 1997 r., Ustawy o mniejszościach narodowych i etnicznych oraz języku regionalnym i zawarte w Kodeksie wyborczym ułatwiające członkom mniejszości narodowych udział w rywalizacji politycznej.WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: W Polsce od 20 lat pozytywna dyskryminacja funkcjonuje jako zasada wyartykułowana w Ustawie zasadniczej. Odsetek mniejszości narodowych w Polsce jest nikły, lecz sytuacja członków tych grup wymaga wsparcia. Szczególnie istotna jest dla wyrównania dysproporcji w udziale w rywalizacji politycznej. Realizacja zasady nie wydaje się nastręczać trudności.WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: W Konstytucji zasada pozytywnej dyskryminacji istnieje od 20 lat, ale w praktyce mniejszości narodowe korzystają z preferencyjnego traktowania od nieco ponad dekady. Jest to narzędzie umacniania demokracji. W Polsce funkcjonuje w instytucjonalnej postaci, obwarowana regulacjami prawnymi. Ma to związek z poziomem rozwoju demokracji i budowy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Potrzebne są akcje uświadamiające, by wprowadzać działania o charakterze zachęcającym nie tylko same mniejszości do działań w celu polepszenia swojego położenia, ale i ukierunkowywać organizacje na etyczne standardy w tej dziedzinie.
Free and fair elections are the method used to select from among the people who have hold specified elective position or public office. In this context, elections are a way of implementing the selection process of the political elite, allowing procedural participation of citizens in shaping political representation. As a result of their execution decisions are made about the distribution of power, which depends on the direction in the act of voting revealed political preferences resulting from translating the achievements of individual votes mandated. Selection of the representatives of the society and subjectivity attributing their decision-making assumes that voters will be able to choose from among themselves those who possess the desired skills, and those who are elected, they will make decisions in the interest of the whole community. The article treats the selection of political elites as a basic function of elections, acting on the issues of creating the political leadership in the parliamentary election, the President of Poland, local governments and the European Parliament.
Cooperation between public and non-governmental organizations – a mean to stronger democracy and higher quality of public policies in Poland This article focuses on cooperation between public and civil society organizations (SCOs) – particularly non-governmental organizations (NGOs) – in the field of public policy design, implementation and evaluation. Theoretical deliberations on forms and nature of intersectoral interactions have been supplemented with practical remarks on possibilities of strengthening such processes in Poland. The text begins with a description of historical and political background for an increased participation of NGOs in governance processes, followed by a general presentation of potential gains and possible threats, which such involvement brings to all interested parties. Further on, the article explores possible forms of intersectoral cooperation with a special attention to polish experiences in this domain. Final passages are a presentation of possible actions potentially leading to advance in collaboration between public and non-governmental organizations, hence strengthening participation of civil society in all key elements of public policy-making cycle.
