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There has been a misconception that there was no political party in Hong Kong before the 1980s, and that the Hong Kong people cared less about political reforms before the 1990s. This misconception is reinforced by various discourses such as the "lifeboat" theory, the "administrative absorption" theory, and the national characteristic of the Chinese people. Through a historical study of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in the early postwar period, we come to a clear picture of the history of political development in Hong Kong. First, Hong Kong people were not indifferent to politics, although constitutional reforms made little progress before the 1980s. Second, early form of political party did exist before the 1980s. ; The Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association were more than pressure groups but could be defined as political parties to pursue political, economic and social reforms in Hong Kong. Serving as the bridge between the Government and the people, they were particularly interested in such social issues as the urban development, housing, medicare, economy, education, crime, and hawking. Although the two parties often took a critical stance towards the Government, the Government used them to communicate with the people and to balance of interest of different political forces. The historical role of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association is largely forgotten and little-studied. This is the first academic treatment of these two earliest political parties in postwar Hong Kong. It aims to give a better understanding of the intricate relationship between the Colonial Government and the staff in London, the nature of colonial politics in early postwar Hong Kong, and the legacy of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in today's Hong Kong. ...

蘇燕薇. ; 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. ; 參考文獻: leaves 105-109. ; 中英文摘要. ; Su Yanwei. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 頁數 ; Chapter (一) --- 名稱的源流 --- p.1 ; Chapter (二) --- 研究方向的設定 --- p.2 ; Chapter (三) --- 各章内容與有關研究成果的批評 --- p.4 ; Chapter (四) --- 研究方法與史料 --- p.13 ; 註釋 --- p.14 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 從中華革命黨到中國國民黨臨時行動委員會的成立 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 譚平山與中華革命黨 --- p.19 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 鄧演達與臨委會的建立 --- p.22 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 鄧演達的"三民主義´ح與平民革命思想 --- p.30 ; Chapter 第四節 --- 人際網絡的建立 --- p.3 6 ; Chapter 第五節 --- 組織的發展 --- p.39 ; 註釋 --- p.44 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 中國國民黨臨時行動委員會在三十年代的發展 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 綱領的建立 --- p.48 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 臨委會與"福建事變´ح --- p.56 ; 註釋 --- p.66 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 從中華民族解放行動委員會到中國農工民主黨 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 内部分歧 --- p.69 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 戰鬥綱領與策略 --- p.71 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 内部的統一與外部的聯繫 --- p.76 ; Chapter 第四節 --- 農工黨和國共:策反與合作 --- p.82 ; 註釋 --- p.91 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.94 ; 註釋 --- p.104 ; 參考書目 --- p.105

吳國樑. ; 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. ; 參考文獻: leaves 131-142. ; Wu Guoliang. ; 致謝 --- p.i ; 論文提要 --- p.ii ; 目錄 ; 引言 --- p.1 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 救國職志:中國靑年黨的創建 --- p.13 ; 建黨背景 ; 創黨宗旨 ; 初展黨務(1923-1935 ) ; Chapter (一) --- 理論宣傳及《醒獅週報》 ; Chapter (二) --- 建立組織 ; Chapter (三) --- 舉步爲艱:黨務推展的困難 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 「內除國賊、外抗強權」:草創期(1923-1935 )的重點 --- p.31 ; 內除國賊 ; Chapter (一) --- 靑年黨與軍閥們的關係 ; Chapter (二) --- 貫徹始終:靑年黨與共產黨的敵對 ; Chapter (三) --- 諍友相知:靑年黨與國民黨的對立 ; 外抗強權 ; Chapter (一) --- 初嘗勝利:收回敎育權運動 ; Chapter (二) --- 書生從戎:靑年黨的抗日行動 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 黨派合作:鞏固期(1936-1949 )的重點 --- p.61 ; 擺脫困境:與國民黨敵對關係的消融 ; 理想實現?從廬山談話會到第一屆國民參政會(1937-1940 ) ; Chapter (一) --- 廬山談話會 ; Chapter (二) --- 國防參議會 ; Chapter (三) --- 第一屆國民參政會 ; 第三勢力:由民主政團同盟至政治協商會議(1941-1946 ) ; Chapter (一) --- 民主政團同盟 ; Chapter (二) --- 政治協商會議 ; 「捨共取國」:靑年黨參與國民政府(1947-1949 ) ; Chapter (一) --- 國民大會前的斡旋工作 ; Chapter (二) --- 靑年黨參加國民大會及國民政府 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 理想與現實: ; 中國靑年黨的政治哲學及檢討局限靑年黨發展的內緣因素… --- p.90 ; 理想:國家主義 ; Chapter (一) --- 釋義:何謂國家主義? ; Chapter (二) --- 正名 ; Chapter (三) --- 在華推行國家主義的論據 ; Chapter (四) --- 師法土耳其:醒獅運動的發端 ; Chapter (五) --- 運動的政策 ; Chapter (六) --- 「全民政治」 ; Chapter (七) --- 政黨角色 ; Chapter (八) --- 餘論 ; 現實:探討局限靑年黨發展的內緣因素 ; 結論 --- p.117 ; 附件 --- p.120 ; 參考書目 --- p.131

Tsang Chun Wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [98-103]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgement --- p.i ; Abbreviations --- p.ii ; List of tables and figures --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Plan of the Dissertation --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Demonstrating The Electoral Decline --- p.5 ; The Changing Hong Kong Electorate --- p.5 ; The Electoral Decline of DP --- p.10 ; Aggregate vs. Individual Changes --- p.14 ; The DP Voters --- p.19 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: Hints From Literature --- p.29 ; Electoral Change in Western Democracies --- p.29 ; Factors of Voting Behavior --- p.35 ; Voting Behavior Studies in Hong Kong --- p.41 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: A Speculation --- p.48 ; Societal Changes in Hong Kong --- p.49 ; Political Attitudes --- p.54 ; Hypothesis --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: Testing The Hypothesis --- p.65 ; Measurement of Variables --- p.65 ; Findings: Bivariate Analysis --- p.71 ; Findings: Multivariate Analysis --- p.75 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; The Electoral Decline of DP: The Story in Summary --- p.83 ; Limitations --- p.87 ; At the End --- p.93 ; Bibliography --- p.98

by Wu Wai Man. ; Thesis submitted in: December 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Operationalization of the Theoretical Framework --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- General Configurations of the Collective Action Events Concerning Issues of Public Housing Estates --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Hong Kong Government's Propensity of Repression --- p.49 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Formal and Informal Access for Participants of the Public Housing Movement --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Policy and Strategic Orientation of the Grass-Root Oriented Political Parties --- p.99 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Changes in the Political Alignment: the Protrusions of Pro-China Resident Organizations --- p.125 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.133 ; Appendix Background Information of the Interviewees --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

Hong Kong is clearly within the 'One Country' and this is simply no longer an issue. How the 'Two Systems' can survive, and how they should interact, is the riding question. The substance of mutual legal assistance in general, and extradition — or rendition — in particular, in a domestic context is not necessarily different from that in an international context. Such assistance will be the subject of an agreement between two jurisdictions arrived at through a process of negotiation and agreed upon by both parties. There is no inherent substance in any extradition agreement, international or otherwise. The substance is negotiable depending upon necessity and the parties' political will and political skill. No one party should impose its will on the other. The only question is what are the terms that should go into a rendition agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland? ; published_or_final_version

Tang, Li. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Public Sphere: Liberal Model --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Criticism on Unitary Public Sphere --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.4 --- Criteria for Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1.5 --- External Parties --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.1.6 --- Public Sphere in the Cyberspace --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public Sphere in Contemporary China --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Application of the Concept of Public Sphere in China --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Dominant Public Sphere in China --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Subaltern Groups in China --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Subaltern Public Spheres in Chinese Cyberspace --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- HBV Carriers Group and the Forum --- p.28 ; Chapter 3 --- Research Design --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Overall Conceptual Framework --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Research Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Textual Analysis --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Interviews --- p.39 ; Chapter 4 --- Brief Overview of the Forum --- p.43 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Overall Development --- p.43 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Structure --- p.46 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Users --- p.50 ; Chapter 5 --- Empowerment on the Discursive Level --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Characteristics of the Forum --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1.1 --- Alternative Topic --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1.2 --- Alternative Information of HBV --- p.54 ; Chapter 5.1.3 --- Discourse of Self-Narrative --- p.59 ; Chapter 5.1.4 --- Forum Accessibility --- p.61 ; Chapter 5.1.5 --- Relative Equality --- p.62 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Rhetoric of Innocence --- p.64 ; Chapter 5.2.1 --- Attribution of the Spread of HBV --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.2.2 --- Attribution of Discrimination --- p.68 ; Chapter 5.3 --- ...

本文研究了香港佔領運動的政治過程。通過深入訪談和檔案資料,本文認為香港的佔領運動的特點是各持份者之間存在錯誤認知,溝通失當以及不恰當的應對方法。運動最合適的定義是憲制性不服從,而不是運動領袖所聲稱的公民不服從。 ; 在強烈的不滿以及感知到的政治機會的驅動下,佔領中環的領袖在2013年初發起了佔中運動,並且以"公民抗命"作為運動框釋。為了能夠得出權威的方案,並且在政改中由公民社會領導政治社會,運動組織了一系列"商討日"。但參與者的自我選擇使得商討日成為事實上的運動動員。商討日逐漸被激進政治力量主導,而溫和民主派被疏遠。 ; 中國政府把佔領中環運動視為對香港管治權的爭奪。因為溝通失當和對外國干預的恐懼,中國政府做出了過度回應。首先是通過白皮書嘗試重新解讀憲政秩序,其後人大常委做出決定,提出一個有政治篩選的選舉框架。中國政府的決定被香港市民視為其對民主和自治承諾的背叛。 ; 學生其後介入並且開展了一場學生運動,並最終發展為雨傘運動。學聯首先發起了罷課並且以"命運自決"作為主要框釋,指責基本法繼承了殖民地時代的政治經濟制度,把香港二次殖民。在雨傘運動爆發後,大部分示威者,包括學生領袖,在和政府比拼對憲制性文件的理解,進行一場憲制性不服從。當運動參與在初期到達巔峰後,示威者嘗試通過抗爭策略的升級和尋求潛在的精英同盟來維持運動,但這些努力沒有奏效。在一開始的鎮壓失敗後,政府採用了拖延消耗的策略。政府最後通過禁制令使運動終結,因為司法體系仍然保持了認受性,同時大部分示威者不願意挑戰法治。 ; 本文認為佔領運動最適合被歸類為憲制性不服從。示威者遵從一國兩制的憲政秩序,但試圖通過對憲制文件的解讀,為基本法對民主權利的一些關鍵限制鬆綁。憲制性不服從接受憲政秩序和司法機構的權威,但不接受政治制度的合法性。憲制性不服從可以發生在一種獨特的政體-自由不民主。在自由不民主政體,公民自由,法治,憲政主義已經確立,司法機構得到廣泛尊重,但一個有認受性的民主政府還沒有被確立。這個新名詞可以對理解轉型國家和後殖民地區的抗爭作出新的貢獻。 ; This dissertation studies the political process of the Occupy Movement in Hong Kong. Drawing on in-depth interviews and archival research, this study argues the movement is characterized as the misperceptions, miscommunications, and mistreatments among the main stakeholders. The movement is best defined as constitutional disobedience, instead of civil disobedience as claimed by movement leaders. ; Driven by the strong grievance and perceived political opportunity, the leaders of Occupy Central started the campaign in early 2013 and framed it as a "civil disobedience" movement. Aiming at figuring out an authoritative proposal and letting the civil society lead political parties in the political reform, the campaign organized a series of "deliberation days", yet the self-selection of the participants made the DDays become de facto movement mobilization. The DDays were gradually dominated by radical political forces that alienated moderate democrats. ; The Chinese government perceived the Occupy Central campaign as a struggle for the governing power in Hong Kong. With the miscommunication and the fear of foreign intervention, the Chinese government over-reacted by ...

在過去的十年中,香港出現了大量呼籲保存「本地社區」的社會網絡和文化的社會運動。這些社會運動交織著對政府推行的市區重建項目和政府文物保育政策的批評。這些批評指出政府的政策過度重視經濟發展,進一步加深社會矛盾和弱勢群體的邊緣化。 ; 本論文中的社區博物館正是在香港資本主義的城市發展模式下催生而成。為了反對有關城市發展的官方話語和將自己的利益最大化,社區博物館中的各利益持份者,根據他們對當地的歷史和文化的解釋,各自建構他們關於「社區和地方文化」的話語。這些多元的「社區」話語在這個社區博物館的構成,揭示了來自不同社會背景的團體之間的角力。本論文指出該社區博物館的建立和運作,促使分屬各社會階層的團體進行政治協商。他們各自的主張在社區博物館中交流,結果提出了有別於官方著眼經濟的「發展」模式,改以「社區」作本土文化的另一「發展」模式。這過程展示了不同社會階層間的權力流動,以及他們為加強自身的社會的政治影響力和爭奪經濟資源而展開的競爭。 ; In the past decade, numerous social movements have emerged in Hong Kong calling for the preservation of social networks and "cultures" of the "local community". These social movements have been interwoven with local critiques of the urban renewal projects and heritage conservation policies implemented by the government. The critiques point out that the government policies overweigh economic development and further increase social disparity and marginalization of disadvantaged groups. The community museum in this study was established in a capitalistic model of urban development in Hong Kong. Various stakeholders construct their own discourses of "community and local culture" in the community museum in order to oppose official discourses about urban development and maximize their own interests. Thus the making of the "community and local culture" in this community museum reveals a negotiation among the parties of different social background. ; This research argues that the establishment and operation of the community museum enable groups from different social segments to negotiate and construct their own discourses based on their interpretations of local history and culture. This research also showcases both the power dynamics of different social classes and their competition for their own socio-political influences and economic resources through proposing an alternative model of urban development. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tsang, Ching Yi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references ...