Suchergebnisse

How to analyse the partisan phenomenon in contemporary Maghreb societies? While it is understood that the Maghreb does not as such constitute a particular or unique area of politics, distinguished by specific figures, an analysis of the logic of collective mobilisation and the types of political organisations that have developed there raises questions at several levels. Firstly, in a reflex way: is the 'political party' model, built by political sociology in a particular context, intended to travel, particularly in authoritarian contexts, where the 'party' is, or has been, often unique; where pluralism is 'limited'? Then, from a more analytical perspective: why, how and at what price are the category buried or decorated? Is it a matter of anticipating or invalidating a process of democratic transition or at least a pluralistic evolution of the formal political offer? Based on surveys, these various studies in this volume respond in a nuanced way to these issues, which have already been discussed in a first volume dedicated to Mashreq. From Libya to Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria, the authors put forward several avenues. Some look at the effects of the moment of single parties; others on the transformations of the phenomenon; others on the lack of a shift to partisan logic. On the basis of these Maghreb examples, all emphasise, if necessary, that the partisan phenomenon is neither a 'natural' nor an 'ultimate' form of collective action. ; Comment analyser le phénomène partisan dans les sociétés maghrébines contemporaines ? S'il est entendu que le Maghreb ne constitue pas en tant que tel un espace particulier ou singulier du politique, se distinguant par des figures spécifiques, analyser les logiques de mobilisations collectives et les types d'organisations politiques qui s'y sont développés amène à s'interroger à plusieurs niveaux. D'abord, de façon réflexive : le modèle « parti politique », construit par la sociologie politique dans un contexte particulier, a-t-il vocation à voyager, notamment dans les contextes ...

National hearing Longtemps left behind by social sciences, political parties in the Arab world have been gaining renewed interest in recent years. Twenty years after a coordinated work by Pierre-Robert Baduel on the Maghreb in the Review of the Muslim World and the Mediterranean (1996), ten years after a issue led by Myriam Catusse in the same Mashreq journal (2006) it seems that the call for a renewal of the partisan approach has been heard. This edition of Mediterranean Confluences aims to present some of these recent work, some of which are still unprecedented, and, taking a comparative perspective, to explore with them the avenues they open with regard to political recompositions in the region. By bringing together its authors around the same subject, the same historical sequence and the same approach, the issue thus seeks to highlight the interest of the party both as a privileged place of observation of the socio-political transformations in the Arab world since 2011, and of supporters as actors in these recompositions. ; National audience Longtemps délaissés par les sciences sociales, les partis politiques dans le monde arabe suscitent depuis quelques années un regain d'intérêt. Vingt ans après un travail coordonné par Pierre-Robert Baduel sur le Maghreb dans la Revue des Mondes Musulmans et de la Méditerranée (1996), dix ans après un numéro dirigé par Myriam Catusse dans la même revue sur le Machrek (2006) il semble que l'appel à un renouveau de l'approche du fait partisan ait été entendu. Ce numéro de Confluences Méditerranée se propose de présenter quelques-uns de ces récents travaux, pour certains encore inédits, et, adoptant une perspective comparatiste, d'explorer avec eux les pistes qu'ils ouvrent quant aux recompositions politiques dans la région. En rassemblant ses auteurs autour d'un même objet, d'une même séquence historique, et d'une même approche, ce numéro entend ainsi souligner l'intérêt du parti à la fois comme lieu d'observation privilégié des transformations socio-politiques que connaît ...

Competition between partisan projects is often cited as a constituent element of any representative democracy. While French-speaking and Anglo-Saxon literatures have understood differently the link between partisan competition and public politics, parties are everywhere the poor relative of public policy theories. Drawing on the theories of agenda setting and competition on issues, this article calls for a reconsideration of the weight of the party variable, adopting a comprehensive and differentiated approach aimed at establishing the conditions under which business parties influence public policies. To this end, the data from the Comparative Agendas Project offer a privileged instrument, the potential of which we illustrate by testing several hypotheses concerning French legislative activities between 1981 and 2009. ; Competition among partisan projects is often cited as a constitutive element of all representative democracies. While the Francophone and English-medium research literature have viewed the link between partisan competition and public policy differently, in both cases parties tend to be the "poor cousins" of theories of public action. Drawing from theories of agenda-setting and issue competition, this article argues for taking the partisan variable more seriously, by adopting an approach which is both global and differentiated and which aims to establish in what conditions governing parties influence public policies. Data from the Comparative Agendas Project provide a challenging basis for investigating this issue. Testing several hypotheses concerning French legislative activities between 1981 and 2009 highlights its potentialities. ; Competition between partisan projects is often cited as a constituent element of any representative democracy. While French-speaking and Anglo-Saxon literatures have understood differently the link between partisan competition and public politics, parties are everywhere the poor relative of public policy theories. Drawing on the theories of agenda setting and ...

Scholarly interest for the impact of technologies on democracy has raised in parallel to the decline of political participation. Technology has often been seen as either one of the causes of the crisis of representative democracy or as a powerful remedy to heal the negative externalities generated by party oligopolies. The study of the impact of new media in party politics or presidential elections dates back the forties (with the outgrowth of radio) and has evolved in cyclical waves until today, covering the emergence of television, the development of global telecommunications, the birth of internet and finally what's popularly called the Web 2.0. The notion of eDemocracy emerges from this dynamic, but is in a league of its own. There is no agreement on many of the terms that one needs to use to dissect its meaning. Scholars diverge on virtually every foundational concept: from the very definition of democracy and interactivity, to the core functions of political parties, to the definition of propaganda as opposed to political communication or to political marketing. As a consequence of this, there is little agreement on both what could be done in theory with eDemocracy and what is actually done in practice. A permanent tension exist between idealtypes and real types in this domain. The aim of this research is to prove this thesis with the largest and most global research unit of political parties web sites at the time of writing. The choice of an information architecture approach has allowed to cover some uncharted territory while providing a first set of data on the structures of the political web (in 2004-2005) for public scrutiny. The core of this research contribution consists in a basic taxonomy and a set of data (on the intentions and on the information architecture) resulting from a 10 years observational research on the early actors of the political web (stricto sensu i.e. 2073 political parties web sites), reviewed with a new degree of detail (through an ad hoc software procedure aiming at dissecting ...

Whether the Radical Democratic Party (RDP) in Switzerland is best described as dominant or predominant in political life, in light of its special characteristics, symbiosis with the institutions it helped to create, and continuing influence; research note with comments by three reviewers. Summaries in English and German.

This thesis analyses the structuring of green political parties from a comparative perspective and at a regional (sub-national) scale, from 1974 to 1995. We study five dimensions of this process: organisational structuring, evolution of cleavages with other political parties, electoral and strategic evolutions, careers of activists, and media coverage (including a study of green media). Our research highlights several processes taking place at regional and local levels which have a decisive influence on the national scale (e. g. the crucial part played by regional federations in the unification of LesVerts in 1984 and early strategic evolutions at a local level) as well as the regional impact of dynamics developing at the European level, above all after the formation of a Green group in the European Parliament in 1984. In both regions, the Green parties are shaped first of all by the cleavages opposing (or relating) them to other parties and by the careers of their activists, two factors from which also stem serious internal conflicts. In Brittany, the impact of May 1968 followed by a successful movement against nuclear power have contributed to the transformation of the green movement into apolitical force but Les Verts have then remained very fragile as an organisation, despite significant electoral gains from 1989 onwards. In Wales, the green movement as a specific force is weakened by the strength of the regionalist movement, the opposition to nuclear weapons from many Labour Party activists and the fact that many Green Party activists in Wales are newcomers from England. The Wales Green Party thus obtains low electoral results but nevertheless succeeds in making its campaigns and activism durable. ; Nous analysons dans cette thèse le processus de structuration d'organisations politiques écologistes, le Green Party et les Verts, de manière comparative et à l'échelle régionale, sur la période 1974-1995. Nous étudions cinq dimensions de ce processus : structuration organisationnelle, évolution des clivages ...

This thesis analyses the structuring of green political parties from a comparative perspective and at a regional (sub-national) scale, from 1974 to 1995. We study five dimensions of this process: organisational structuring, evolution of cleavages with other political parties, electoral and strategic evolutions, careers of activists, and media coverage (including a study of green media). Our research highlights several processes taking place at regional and local levels which have a decisive influence on the national scale (e. g. the crucial part played by regional federations in the unification of LesVerts in 1984 and early strategic evolutions at a local level) as well as the regional impact of dynamics developing at the European level, above all after the formation of a Green group in the European Parliament in 1984. In both regions, the Green parties are shaped first of all by the cleavages opposing (or relating) them to other parties and by the careers of their activists, two factors from which also stem serious internal conflicts. In Brittany, the impact of May 1968 followed by a successful movement against nuclear power have contributed to the transformation of the green movement into apolitical force but Les Verts have then remained very fragile as an organisation, despite significant electoral gains from 1989 onwards. In Wales, the green movement as a specific force is weakened by the strength of the regionalist movement, the opposition to nuclear weapons from many Labour Party activists and the fact that many Green Party activists in Wales are newcomers from England. The Wales Green Party thus obtains low electoral results but nevertheless succeeds in making its campaigns and activism durable. ; Nous analysons dans cette thèse le processus de structuration d'organisations politiques écologistes, le Green Party et les Verts, de manière comparative et à l'échelle régionale, sur la période 1974-1995. Nous étudions cinq dimensions de ce processus : structuration organisationnelle, évolution des clivages avec les autres formations politiques, évolutions électorales et stratégiques, parcours militants et médiatisation des écologistes. Nous mettons en évidence plusieurs processus se jouant à l'échelle régionale et locale et leur influence décisive sur l'échelle nationale (rôle moteur des fédérations régionales dans l'unification des Verts français, évolutions stratégiques locales) mais également l'impactrécurrent à l'échelle locale de dynamiques opérant à l'échelle européenne, surtout à partir de la formation d'un groupe écologiste au Parlement européen à partir de 1984. Dans les deux régions, les caractéristiques des partis Verts sont déterminées en premier lieu par la structure des clivages qui les opposent (ou apparentent) aux autres partis politiques ainsi que les parcours militants de leurs militants, deux facteurs qui donnent également lieu à de graves conflits internes. En Bretagne, les événements de mai 1968 puis un mouvement anti-nucléaire puissant contribuent à la structuration d'une famille politique consistante mais les Verts restent très fragiles sur le plan organisationnel, malgré une implantation électorale significative surtout à partir de 1989. Au Pays de Galles, le développement d'un mouvement écologiste autonome est entravée par la puissance du mouvement régionaliste et la présence au sein du parti travailliste de nombreux opposants à l'armement nucléaire, et le fait qu'une partie significative des militants du Green Party soient des nouveaux arrivants originaires d'Angleterre. Le Wales Green Party recueille de ce fait des résultats électoraux très faibles mais parvient à pérenniser son organisation et ses activités.

Le cas des partis politiques Cette recherche porte sur les liens affectifs présents au sein des communautés virtuelles. Les communautés et leurs récentes virtualisation ont nourri l'intérêt de nombreux chercheurs. Au sein de ce champ, cette étude s'est intéressée aux déterminants affectifs qui guident les individus dans leur participation aux communautés. Cette recherche s'appuie sur une netnographie de quatre communautés virtuelles, les deux principaux partis américains et français. Les communautés étudiées regroupent plus de 3 millions d'individus et plus de 200 000 commentaires ont été extraits. Les résultats montrent que l'amour et la haine sont les principales réactions affectives exprimées au sein des communautés virtuelles. ; This research addresses the emotional attachments that exist within virtual communities. Online communities and their recent virtualization have fueled the interest of many researchers. Within this field, this study examines the emotional determinants that inform and guide users as they participate in these communities. It is based on netnography of four virtual communities; the two principal French and American political parties. These communities have more than 3 million users and more than 200,000 of their comments were examined. The results show that love and hate are the main emotional reactions expressed within online communities.