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The aim of this article is to discuss the relation between political philosophy and political science. The development of political science highlighted two main approaches toward this relation. One group of political scientists says that political science must stay close to political philosophy while another group demands strict dissociation. Behaviorism in political science marked the enormous growth of influence of the later group. Leo Straus appeared as a rigid critic of behavioral political science and an influential defender of political philophy. This paper deals with his criticism of basic premises of political science and his attitude to the significance of political philospohy.

The aim of the article is to look into the activities of Motiejus Valančius from the perspective of political philosophy. Historians acknowledged that Valančius had created a separate epoch in Lithuanian history, however, they have not revealed the distinctive qualities that are definitive of the content of this period. Political philosophy is helpful in attempting to accomplish this task. One has to begin from available historical research and search for new concepts that would provide an explanation of the activities of Valančius. It is argued in the paper that the Samogitian episcopate that was governed by Valančius was the first political form of modern Lithuanian nation – an intermediate stage between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the nation state. Valančius was managing the institution that had a political meaning and created a distinct historical chapter which can be described as interregnum.

The aim of the article is to look into the activities of Motiejus Valančius from the perspective of political philosophy. Historians acknowledged that Valančius had created a separate epoch in Lithuanian history, however, they have not revealed the distinctive qualities that are definitive of the content of this period. Political philosophy is helpful in attempting to accomplish this task. One has to begin from available historical research and search for new concepts that would provide an explanation of the activities of Valančius. It is argued in the paper that the Samogitian episcopate that was governed by Valančius was the first political form of modern Lithuanian nation – an intermediate stage between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the nation state. Valančius was managing the institution that had a political meaning and created a distinct historical chapter which can be described as interregnum.

The aim of the article is to look into the activities of Motiejus Valančius from the perspective of political philosophy. Historians acknowledged that Valančius had created a separate epoch in Lithuanian history, however, they have not revealed the distinctive qualities that are definitive of the content of this period. Political philosophy is helpful in attempting to accomplish this task. One has to begin from available historical research and search for new concepts that would provide an explanation of the activities of Valančius. It is argued in the paper that the Samogitian episcopate that was governed by Valančius was the first political form of modern Lithuanian nation – an intermediate stage between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the nation state. Valančius was managing the institution that had a political meaning and created a distinct historical chapter which can be described as interregnum.

The aim of the article is to look into the activities of Motiejus Valančius from the perspective of political philosophy. Historians acknowledged that Valančius had created a separate epoch in Lithuanian history, however, they have not revealed the distinctive qualities that are definitive of the content of this period. Political philosophy is helpful in attempting to accomplish this task. One has to begin from available historical research and search for new concepts that would provide an explanation of the activities of Valančius. It is argued in the paper that the Samogitian episcopate that was governed by Valančius was the first political form of modern Lithuanian nation – an intermediate stage between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the nation state. Valančius was managing the institution that had a political meaning and created a distinct historical chapter which can be described as interregnum.

This paper discusses Xenophon's political philosophy and its Greek context. One of the major themes running through Xenophon's works is leadership, which he tackles implicitly or explicitly in virtually all of his writings (be it his philosophical, historical or literary writings). For Xenophon, the leader was important not only as an individual leading the armed forces, but as a leader of a city or a community as well. Bearing in mind the importance of leadership and the role of leaders for Xenophon, the author of this paper tries to show that Xenophon's political philosophy can be seen as part of his Panhellenic program. The aim of this program is to politically unite the Greeks by making them enter into an alliance in the name of a common Panhellenic crusade against Persia.

This paper discusses Xenophon's political philosophy and its Greek context. One of the major themes running through Xenophon's works is leadership, which he tackles implicitly or explicitly in virtually all of his writings (be it his philosophical, historical or literary writings). For Xenophon, the leader was important not only as an individual leading the armed forces, but as a leader of a city or a community as well. Bearing in mind the importance of leadership and the role of leaders for Xenophon, the author of this paper tries to show that Xenophon's political philosophy can be seen as part of his Panhellenic program. The aim of this program is to politically unite the Greeks by making them enter into an alliance in the name of a common Panhellenic crusade against Persia.

This paper discusses Xenophon's political philosophy and its Greek context. One of the major themes running through Xenophon's works is leadership, which he tackles implicitly or explicitly in virtually all of his writings (be it his philosophical, historical or literary writings). For Xenophon, the leader was important not only as an individual leading the armed forces, but as a leader of a city or a community as well. Bearing in mind the importance of leadership and the role of leaders for Xenophon, the author of this paper tries to show that Xenophon's political philosophy can be seen as part of his Panhellenic program. The aim of this program is to politically unite the Greeks by making them enter into an alliance in the name of a common Panhellenic crusade against Persia.

This paper discusses Xenophon's political philosophy and its Greek context. One of the major themes running through Xenophon's works is leadership, which he tackles implicitly or explicitly in virtually all of his writings (be it his philosophical, historical or literary writings). For Xenophon, the leader was important not only as an individual leading the armed forces, but as a leader of a city or a community as well. Bearing in mind the importance of leadership and the role of leaders for Xenophon, the author of this paper tries to show that Xenophon's political philosophy can be seen as part of his Panhellenic program. The aim of this program is to politically unite the Greeks by making them enter into an alliance in the name of a common Panhellenic crusade against Persia.

The aim of this article is to discuss the development of the relation between political philosophy and political science. The main causes and possible perspectives of that development are elaborated. There are explored philosophical ideas which influenced the emergence of political science, the process of its institutionalisation and the relation between political science and political philosophy. The analysis of the process of institutionalisation aims at identification of the main causes of the conflict between two disciplines. The culmination of that conflict occured at sixth decade of twentieth century and was named "The Behavioral Revolution". The sharp antagonism lasted nearly two decates and when it came to an end the relation between political philosophy and political science became stable though ambiguous.

The aim of this article is to discuss the development of the relation between political philosophy and political science. The main causes and possible perspectives of that development are elaborated. There are explored philosophical ideas which influenced the emergence of political science, the process of its institutionalisation and the relation between political science and political philosophy. The analysis of the process of institutionalisation aims at identification of the main causes of the conflict between two disciplines. The culmination of that conflict occured at sixth decade of twentieth century and was named "The Behavioral Revolution". The sharp antagonism lasted nearly two decates and when it came to an end the relation between political philosophy and political science became stable though ambiguous.

The aim of this article is to discuss the development of the relation between political philosophy and political science. The main causes and possible perspectives of that development are elaborated. There are explored philosophical ideas which influenced the emergence of political science, the process of its institutionalisation and the relation between political science and political philosophy. The analysis of the process of institutionalisation aims at identification of the main causes of the conflict between two disciplines. The culmination of that conflict occured at sixth decade of twentieth century and was named "The Behavioral Revolution". The sharp antagonism lasted nearly two decates and when it came to an end the relation between political philosophy and political science became stable though ambiguous.

The aim of this article is to discuss the development of the relation between political philosophy and political science. The main causes and possible perspectives of that development are elaborated. There are explored philosophical ideas which influenced the emergence of political science, the process of its institutionalisation and the relation between political science and political philosophy. The analysis of the process of institutionalisation aims at identification of the main causes of the conflict between two disciplines. The culmination of that conflict occured at sixth decade of twentieth century and was named "The Behavioral Revolution". The sharp antagonism lasted nearly two decates and when it came to an end the relation between political philosophy and political science became stable though ambiguous.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.