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The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The philosophy of culture put forward by Šalkauskis is a version of political philosophy. By using a typology of the relationship between philosophy and democracy we attempt to prove that his philosophy of culture encompasses not one but few different understandings of the relationship between democracy and philosophy. By comparing the ideas of Šalkauskis with the issues of contemporary political philosophy we can see that democracy today is developing by distancing itself from the principles that Šalkauskis presented in his philosophy of culture. The philosophy of culture as developed by Šalkauskis has two distinctive features. First of all, Christianity is interpreted through the matrix of culture and this is why it becomes compatible with democracy. Secondly, philosophy of culture is consciously transformed into ideology and this transformation is what allowed it to become an important factor in political discussions.

The philosophy of culture put forward by Šalkauskis is a version of political philosophy. By using a typology of the relationship between philosophy and democracy we attempt to prove that his philosophy of culture encompasses not one but few different understandings of the relationship between democracy and philosophy. By comparing the ideas of Šalkauskis with the issues of contemporary political philosophy we can see that democracy today is developing by distancing itself from the principles that Šalkauskis presented in his philosophy of culture. The philosophy of culture as developed by Šalkauskis has two distinctive features. First of all, Christianity is interpreted through the matrix of culture and this is why it becomes compatible with democracy. Secondly, philosophy of culture is consciously transformed into ideology and this transformation is what allowed it to become an important factor in political discussions.

The philosophy of culture put forward by Šalkauskis is a version of political philosophy. By using a typology of the relationship between philosophy and democracy we attempt to prove that his philosophy of culture encompasses not one but few different understandings of the relationship between democracy and philosophy. By comparing the ideas of Šalkauskis with the issues of contemporary political philosophy we can see that democracy today is developing by distancing itself from the principles that Šalkauskis presented in his philosophy of culture. The philosophy of culture as developed by Šalkauskis has two distinctive features. First of all, Christianity is interpreted through the matrix of culture and this is why it becomes compatible with democracy. Secondly, philosophy of culture is consciously transformed into ideology and this transformation is what allowed it to become an important factor in political discussions.

The philosophy of culture put forward by Šalkauskis is a version of political philosophy. By using a typology of the relationship between philosophy and democracy we attempt to prove that his philosophy of culture encompasses not one but few different understandings of the relationship between democracy and philosophy. By comparing the ideas of Šalkauskis with the issues of contemporary political philosophy we can see that democracy today is developing by distancing itself from the principles that Šalkauskis presented in his philosophy of culture. The philosophy of culture as developed by Šalkauskis has two distinctive features. First of all, Christianity is interpreted through the matrix of culture and this is why it becomes compatible with democracy. Secondly, philosophy of culture is consciously transformed into ideology and this transformation is what allowed it to become an important factor in political discussions.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.

This paper examines the origins of ancient political thinking from (roughly) 750 to 348 B.C. The analysis of authors who had been discussing political questions over this period shows that ancient political thinking can be classified into three discourses: political thought, political theory, and political philosophy. The purpose of this paper is to define the characteristics of each discourse and to illustrate them with specific historical examples which show how these discourses interacted with the Greek political experiences and how political thought transformed into a theory and philosophy.