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The purpose of this article is to investigate the relationship between the notions of ethnocentrism and liberalism from the perspective of the neopragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty. In this sense, we show that this tenuous political philosophy, centered on these notions, emphasizes the connectivity between conversational practices and the moral, political and social issues shared by different cultures. In Rorty's philosophy, his thin notion of ethnocentrism acts as an articulating element between his anti-representationalist perspective of knowledge and his version of political liberalism. From the naturalist criticism that makes transcendental explanations of reality unfeasible Rorty draws the historicist consequences necessary for his proposition that there are no limits, except those of conversational character, for the apprehension and description of knowledge. In this ethnocentric proposal in which there is nothing transcendent in relation to cultural, contingent and historical practices, everything is considered to be dependent on the provisional intersubjective consensus, in terms of the vocabulary and politics of a given community and time.

This essay intersects literature and epistemology in order to understand what it means to take "The left hand of darkness" (1969), as proposed by the author Ursula K. Le Guin, as a thought experiment. As we look at Science Fiction as a literary genre and how it relates to the notion of thought experiment, we conclude that Science Fiction authors, through the imaginary displacement they perform as they create people, worlds, political organizations, and explore the relations between subjects within these imaginary structures, also draw thought experiments that are able to deal with important aspects of the human experience.

The public space is the stage for the most varied conflicts, resulting, in certain cases, in violence. However, it is in this space that men experience freedom, expressing themselves in front of plurality of opinions. As it is a space for free expression, our actions and opinions are not always received without contradiction, arousing resentful feelings. Following Arendt's thinking, the public space is the arena in which everyone should manifest themselves spontaneously, showing themselves from their uniqueness before the plurality that characterizes the community. As it is a space for the expression of the individual, guided by freedom and plurality, the individual's action is irreversible and unpredictable, enabling a cycle of misunderstandings and violence. Consequently, there is no way to prevent conflicting emotions from being fed by the damage originated from political action. According to Arendt, resentments are emotional states peculiar to human beings, facilitating common understanding and coexistence. Thus, resentment can lead to acts against injustice, with punishment and forgiveness, enabling a new beginning. However, there are acts that are not in keeping with forgiveness, such as the crimes perpetrated by Nazism, whose relationship established among men was not human. In the face of the absurdity of the situation, on which there is no way to judge, forgiveness has no place, closing the doors to a new beginning. Anyway, this text intends to explore the role of resentment as a factor that enables the survival of public space, but that can also lead to its destruction.

Polarization has dominated the global political outlook for the past decade and has affected public governance. This study aims to demonstrate that public managers can analyze the decision-making opportunities in government by understanding the philosophical, political, and managerial-technical backgrounds, avoiding the harmful polarization of ideas present in the public environment today. This theoretical essay contributes to comprehending the nature of the knowledge structure applied to public administration. It also contributes to separate the private and the institutional dimensions. The reflection suggests that it is possible to avoid reifying political opinions and maintaining a democratic spirit, so managers can become more conducive to consider the plurality of ideas and be more open-minded without refraining from their convictions. These steps can be followed without losing focus on improving society's quality of life as an impartial and scientific outcome of public management. ; La polarización ha dominado el panorama político mundial durante la última década y ha afectado la gobernanza pública. El objetivo de este estudio es demostrar que a través de la comprensión de los antecedentes filosóficos, la política y las técnicas de gestión; el gestor de asuntos públicos podrá analizar, con mayor claridad, las oportunidades que implican la toma de decisiones en el ámbito gubernamental, evitando la dañina polarización de ideas, presente en el ámbito público actual. Mediante un ensayo teórico, se espera contribuir al conocimiento de las naturalezas que componen la estructura del conocimiento aplicado a la administración pública, así como a la separación entre lo institucional y lo privado, a la no cosificación de las opiniones políticas y al espíritu democrático; lo que permitiría que el gestor ‒sin abstenerse de sus convicciones‒ se volviera más propicio a considerar la pluralidad de ideas y tendiera a ser más tolerante con las opiniones contrarias, sin perder el foco en mejorar la calidad de vida de la sociedad como corolario de una gestión pública imparcial y científica. ; A polarização tem dominado o cenário político global na última década e afetado a governança pública. O objetivo deste estudo é demonstrar que, por meio da compreensão do pano de fundo filosófico, da política e de técnicas gerenciais, o gestor da coisa pública poderá analisar, de forma mais clara, as oportunidades que envolvem a tomada de decisão nos ambientes governamentais, evitando a polarização nociva de ideias hodiernamente presente no ambiente público. Por meio deste ensaio teórico, espera-se contribuir para o conhecimento das naturezas que compõem a estrutura do conhecimento aplicado à administração pública, bem como para a separação entre o institucional e o privado. Com isso é possível evitar a reificação das opiniões políticas e manter o espírito democrático, o que permitiria ao gestor tornar-se mais propício, sem abster-se de suas convicções, a considerar a pluralidade de ideias e tender a ser mais tolerante com as opiniões contrárias, sem perder o foco na melhoria da qualidade de vida da sociedade como corolário imparcial e científico da gestão pública.

The present article aims to sketch a parallel between two works of political philosophy: the unfinished pamphlet "From the Kingdom or Government of the Princes to the King of Cyprus" by St. Thomas Aquinas, and the well-known "The Prince" by Niccolo Machiavelli. The collation of texts allows direct approximations between two distant philosophical moments through the similar theme, through the philosophical treatment of the classical tradition, and through the subtlety of the argument that relates the common good to the private, in the political relations. The analysis is divided into two thematic parts: the definition of ruler, and the characteristics of his craft. In Thomas, the influence of Aristotelian politics is articulated with the way in which the private purpose of the ruler is established in a hierarchy of ends that justifies the government and is directed to the common good. In Machiavelli there is a different reception of ancient thought, connected with Roman rhetoric, and a hierarchy of ends, which is directed, similarly to the Tomasian, for the common good, but with a different treatment as to how public good relates to the private good of both the ruler and the people subjected to him. From this comparison we conclude that there is a need to establish the complexity of political philosophy in the passage from the middle ages to the renaissance that removes the idea of ​​a total rupture and allows us to understand how the modern age keep medieval elements and develops them much more than abandon them.

De-colonial reasoning establishes a peculiar manifestation of contemporary critical theory closely linked to the practices of the social sciences and humanities. However, there is a need for a critique of the dominant models and hierarchies of nationalities of knowledge, of the constitutive silencing of technologies and narratives of modern participation, of subjectivities, corporealities and agencies. This paper argues that the human and social sciences can and should be rethought from an epistemological multiplicity that dialogues and takes into account the forms of knowledge creation that are generated in extra-scientific and extra-academic spaces.

We will use the Fanon's concept of society without mediations, based on structural racism, to explain the regressive tendency proper to societies of peripheric modernization, especially Brazil. From a criticism to Gilberto Freyre and Florestan Fernandes, who both assume a notion of ne-cessitarian sociological objectivism with an apolitical-depoliticized character in order to under-stand the development and the contradictions of current Brazilian society (Freyre's sadism-masochism; Fernandes' idea of Black incapability to protestant ethics due to slavery), both re-fusing structural racism and racial whitening, we will point exactly to (a) the systemic evolution as a White's or colonizer's intentioned and planified political project over the Black/colonized, which is, according us, the effective practical core and role of the formation and development of the colonial society; (b) the inexistence or the fragility of juridical, institutional and normative mediations between these divided and ossified realities of race (Whites over/against Blacks); (c) the direct violence and the permanent regression as the structural tendencies of the constitution and development of a society of peripheric and racialized modernization, including here the eras-ing and falsification of colonial history; and, finally, (d) the intrinsic correlation, once denied by Freyre and Fernandes, and on the contrary affirmed by Fanon, of race and class, race as class, class as race.

It aims to evaluate the contribution of some conceptual categories developed by the political philosopher Hannah Arendt to understand the contemporary situation of the discipline of philosophy in Brazilian high school. In the light of the concepts of politics, crisis of education, authority and public space and the historical analysis that relates the emergence of Philosophy with the birth of politics in the Greek polis, it is suggested that the discipline of Philosophy is characterized as one of the mediations at school from the pre-political world to the political world. It starts with the historical analysis of the presence of the subject in the Brazilian school curriculum until it reaches the critique of Law nº 13.415 / 2017 related to the counter-reform of high school. In the writing of this law, the overlapping of private interests in the public sphere materializes, which represents the annihilation of the public space itself. In addition, this law makes the presence of Philosophy in the school curriculum optional. This release reinforces the historical instability of Philosophy's legitimacy in Brazilian basic education, as well as contributes to weaken the school's own role in mediating the transition from the pre-political to the political world. It is argued that, in order to guarantee a space in which human beings can act and speak (proper place for political achievement), the teaching of philosophy should not be extinguished from the formal education of individuals. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo evaluar la contribución de algunas categorías conceptuales desarrolladas por la filósofa política Hannah Arendt para comprender la situación contemporánea de disciplina de la filosofía en la escuela secundaria brasileña. A la luz de los conceptos de política, crisis de educación, autoridad y espacio público y el análisis histórico que vincula el surgimiento de la Filosofía con el nacimiento de la política en la polis griega, se sugiere que la disciplina de la Filosofía se caracteriza como una de las ...

This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we'll start on some observations of political liberalism, where in the first moment, we'll explore the book "Two Concepts of Liberty" by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - "being free of" and, not the positive liberty - "being free to", should be the biggest worry of political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (political freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin's bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.

The paper carries out a comparative analysis of the notions of personal identity and political engagement in the thought of Charles Taylor and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. From a bibliographical study of primary and secondary sources, it is concluded that both philosophers postulate an ontologically dialogical nature of personal identity, thus, essentially dependent on lasting relationship with others. On the other hand, Taylor and Rousseau equate the problem of political alienation in modernity based on distinct principles that serve as the justification for the political engagement of citizens.

The "place" of liberalism in Brazil of the 19th century had been the subject of major debates in the Social Sciences. Thus, we aim to map this debate and provide a summary of these positions. To do this, we will first make a return to the context of the emergence of liberalism in England, then we will advance to its philosophical principles in John Locke. Then, we will demonstrate how these philosophical principles were interpreted in Brazil in three positions: First as an "idea out of place" (SCHWARZ, 2000; NOGUEIRA, 1976), second as "an idea tends to find its place" (COUTINHO, 2000) and third as an "idea that is in its right place" (FRANCO, 1976; BOSI, 2010). ; El "lugar" del liberalismo en el Brasil del siglo XIX es objeto de grandes debates en filosofía política (RICUPERO, 2007). Por lo tanto, nuestro objetivo es trazar un mapa de este debate y ofrecer una síntesis de estas posiciones. Para ello, primero haremos un retorno al contexto de la irrupción del liberalismo en Inglaterra y, posteriormente, avanzaremos a sus principios filosóficos en John Locke. Luego, demostraremos cómo estos principios filosóficos fueron interpretados en Brasil en tres posiciones: primero como "idea fuera de lugar" (SCHWARZ, 2000; NOGUEIRA, 1976), segundo como "una idea tiende a encontrar su lugar" (COUTINHO, 2000) y tercero como una "idea que está en su debido lugar" (FRANCO, 1976; BOSI, 2010). ; O "lugar" do liberalismo no Brasil do século XIX é alvo de grandes debates na filosofia política (RICUPERO, 2007). Assim, temos como objetivo mapear esse debate e fornecer uma síntese dessas posições. Para isso, faremos, primeiro, um retorno ao contexto de surgimento do liberalismo na Inglaterra e, posteriormente, avançaremos para seus princípios filosóficos em John Locke. Em seguida, demonstraremos como esses princípios filosóficos foram interpretados no Brasil em três posições: primeiro como "ideia fora do lugar" (SCHWARZ, 2000; NOGUEIRA, 1976), segundo como "uma ideia tende a encontrar seu lugar" (COUTINHO, 2000) e terceiro como uma ...

This paper aims to explore to the maximum Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer or decolonial turn to found the constitutional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social innovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America; ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo explorar al máximo la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y el llamado giro descolonizador o "descolonial" para fundamentar la teoría constitucional, a partir de las prácticas del "nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano", en especial nuevos textos y sistemas constitucionales de Venezuela (1999), de Ecuador (2008) y de Bolivia (2009), que proponen una serie de innovaciones institucionales y sociales. El texto tiene perfil multidisciplinario, transitando entre las áreas del Derecho y de la Filosofía, y tiene como base autores clásicos del pensamiento latinoamericano. Palabras-clave: Constitución; la justicia; la política; América Latina. Abstract: This paper aims to explore ao máximo Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer ou decolonial turn to found the constitucional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social inovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America;Introducción ; Cet article vise à explorer au maximum la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et le soi-disant décolonisateur ou virage décolonial pour fonder la théorie constitutionnelle, à partir des pratiques du nouveau constitutionnalisme latino-américain, en particulier des nouveaux textes et systèmes constitutionnels du Venezuela (1999), Equateur (2008) et Bolivie (2009), qui proposent une série d'innovations institutionnelles et sociales. Le texte a un profil multidisciplinaire, passant par les domaines du droit et de la philosophie, et a pour base des auteurs classiques de la pensée latino-américaine. Mots-clés: Constitution; Justice; politique; Amérique latine; ; Questo articolo mira a sfruttare al massimo la filosofia di liberazione latinoamericana e la cosiddetta svolta decolonizzante o "decoloniale" a sostegno della teoria costituzionale, basata sulle pratiche del "nuovo costituzionalismo latinoamericano", in particolare nuovi testi e sistemi costituzionali del Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) e Bolivia (2009), che propongono una serie di innovazioni istituzionali e sociali. Il testo ha un profilo multidisciplinare, muovendosi tra le aree del diritto e della filosofia, e si basa su autori classici del pensiero latinoamericano. ; O presente artigo objetiva explorar ao máximo a filosofia latino-americana da libertação e o chamado giro descolonizador ou "descolonial" para fundamentar a teoria constitucional, a partir das práticas do "novo constitucionalismo latino-americano", em especial novos textos e sistemas constitucionais da Venezuela (1999), do Equador (2008) e da Bolívia (2009), que propõem uma série de inovações institucionais e sociais. O texto tem perfil multidisciplinar, transitando entre as áreas do Direito e da Filosofia, e tem como base autores clássicos do pensamento latino-americano.

The purpose of this article is to reinforce the alert that the German philosopher Hans Jonas makes in his work Principle responsibility for the imminent possibility of a tragic end of history for humanity if the unpredictable effects arising from the form of action of the liberal political-economic system and the inconsequential advance of the technology that follows are considered. In this intention, we chose as a strategy, to weaken and oppose the Hegelian idea, opposed to Jonah's view, that there would be no cause for alarm because history, in its development, is guided by an immanent and well-intentioned reason that inevitably leads humanity towards the realm of freedom and the absolute spirit. More recently, the American philosopher, economist and political scientist Francis Fukuyama, seeking support in Hegelian thought decreed that history had come to an end with the culmination of the sociocultural evolution of humanity. In this context, we initially seek to present an interpretative analysis of the ideas of Hegel and Fukuyama, and then to make a critique of this way of thinking, in the light of Hans Jonas' arguments. Finally, it is concluded, through the Jonasian lens, that the story, in addition to not having reached its end, as Fukuyama stated, may also have a quite different ending from that imagined by Hegel. Therefore, one should not disregard the occurrence of the hypothesis of an essential death followed by a physical death of the human race, well before the Hegelian project of freedom has a chance to take place. In doubt, it is better for man to be wary of the existence and(or) of the intention and(or) of the capacity of an imminent reason and to retake in time the reins of his own destiny, through the adoption of a new ethical principle: that of responsibility.