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The last half of the 20th century has witnessed the globalization of the economy, the weakening of the nation-state, the erosion of the welfare state, greater interconnections between science & the state, intensified administrative control, the demise of the political life, the end of imperialism, & the appearance of new social movements, which together have produced a new form of politics. Michel Foucault's analysis of the micropower, disciplinary dimensions of politics, & the close connection between knowledge & power make signal contributions in this context, because they are targeted precisely at the question of how disciplinary powers become legitimate. Moreover, Foucault's conception of government as the capacity to conduct is a more useful tool for investigating the modern condition than any other tool that the social sciences have produced. It is conceded that Foucault's notion of the ethical life as a work on the self is not very helpful, but if this conclusion seems muddled, it is only because the contemporary moment itself is muddled on the possibilities of individuality in the late 20th century. D. Ryfe

Traces the anthropological premises of Hannah Arendt's conception of totalitarianism in order to elucidate & reconstruct key arguments in her book, Origins of Totalitarianism (1958). Emphasis is on the implications of significant connections, such as that between action & the political elements of freedom, revolution, & power. It is contended that Arendt's model of politics is especially relevant today when the demise of communist regimes in Eastern Europe has prompted the need to re-think political action. An exploration of her notion of "destructive dynamics" argues that her assumption that totalitarianism methodically destroys the basic anthropological features of human existence implies that all totalitarian regimes contain "seeds of their own destruction" & therefore cannot last. The analysis focuses on Arendt's three main themes: (1) a theory of activity oriented in existential philosophy & centered on labor, work, & action; (2) distinctions between power & force in her normative theory of politics; & (3) the seeming contradiction between her theory of totalitarianism & theory of politics. J. Lindroth

Argues that there is an alliance between modern knowledge & the politics of security of the national state. In this alliance, both philosophy & politics are dedicated to the stabilization of security in the face of an actually existing environment of contingency, flux, & more generalized insecurity. This long-standing alliance has taken on varying forms. In Plato & early Christianity, a supersensible universe controlled the insecurity of Heraclitean flux, first by the idea & then institutionally, through the Church as the condition of human salvation. In early modernity, secular delegitimation of the Church led to a new locus of control. Later, in philosophy, the ideas of rationalism & empiricism helped control epistemological insecurity. In politics, for its part, chaos is exogenized by the institution of the Machiavellian & Hobbesian nation-state. Possible contemporary alliances are considered in the context of late-modern assumptions, in which nature becomes no longer a world of entities available to beings for transformation in respect to its finalities, but instead, a stock of raw material for our own ends. 72 References. V. Rios

Considers the Marxist project in terms of a set of foundational myths similar to those propounded by its major nemesis, Christianity. In G. W. F. Hegel, the original Christian metaphysics undergoes a historicist revision such that the divine will evolve not in heaven, but in human history. Karl Marx turned this mythology on its head by translating it into social terms. In Marxism, social being came to replace being, absolute freedom was theorized as a process of social revolution, & heaven was replaced by a scheme of political organization -- communism. This mythology appealed to the European working classes because it offered them a radical & final release from their situation. It was disseminated through Leninist philosophy, which constructed a new set of social hierarchies on the basis of values that referred to a mythical future. The transition from an eschatology-oriented society in Eastern Europe toward a one-dimension liberal reality has consisted precisely in replacing the Marxist mythology with the institutions of the market & law. 10 References. D. Ryfe

Assesses the bankruptcy of Marxism as a philosophical & political project in Europe as a bad legacy of the Enlightenment tradition, drawing on discussion of the structure of society in the German Democratic Republic, where social relations consisted of a form of socialism that mapped a new form of absolutist feudalism onto the democratic conditions of the 20th century. The philosophical orgins of this system are traced to Marxism's effort to recreate a form of solidarity in the Industrial Age that was appropriate to the feudal period. This project proved illusory, ending in a form of artificial social engineering that bore many resonances with another bad legacy of the Enlightenment: fascism. European intellectuals contributed to the ideological veiling of this illusion by producing a complicated theoretical justification for the Marxist philosophical & political project. The Frankfurt school is identified as the only neo-Marxist effort to avoid participation in this illusory project. It is concluded that a new philosophical discussion of the dark side of the Enlightenment is necessary. D. Ryfe

An attempt is made to dismantle some ontological assumptions about sovereignty & to develop a political ontology freed from state-centric thinking. Arguing that sovereignty is always an "artificial political concept," two other concepts -- hyperspace & the global city -- are evoked & the global city is conceptualized as an "ensemble of social movements in hyperspace." The relationship between the sovereign state & the individual is examined, & sovereignty is discussed as both the "logical outcome of civilization" & as an "illusion." The possibility of abandoning notions of state & society in favor of a more global perspective on civilization is explored. 19 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines the thinking of "right-wing" liberal Robert Nozick, author of Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), which presents a philosophical defense of the minimal or "night-watchman" state. Nozick assumes that individuals have the right to be free of theft, force, fraud, & coercion & he details how a series of evolutionary steps to take care of violations of these rights can result in the minimal state. However, he recognizes the need for enforceable limits upon the acquisition & transfer of property & expands upon John Locke's thinking to suggest that it may be unjust for an individual to acquire an exclusive property right if it places someone else in a worse position than they were in before. Other potential constraints on the use/transfer of property in the minimal state are pointed out. It is argued that Nozick's later work fails to remedy the lack of any "foundational argument" for his theory of rights. The content of a brief amicus curiae filed by Nozick & other leading philosophers in two assisted-suicide cases is discussed. J. Lindroth

The author describes major ultra-nationalist movements (fascism & national socialism) in contemporary Russia. These movements have arisen largely in response to the perceived failure of neoliberalist reforms since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia is a "torn country" that is undergoing political & economic Westernization -- an irreversible process that has brought severe economic problems & a declining standard of living for the majority. The new regime is described as a mixture of liberal democracy, authoritarianism, & capitalism. The author concludes that the shift from Russian communism to national patriotism is a key feature of modernization in post-Soviet Russia, & that the nation's current problems are similar to those caused by globalization & Westernization elsewhere. 1 Table, 34 References. J. R. Callahan

Discusses the relationship of women's studies to the discipline of philosophy, drawing on personal experiece as a feminist philosopher. Traditionally, philosophy has been dominated by a male perspective that privileges a combative culture, a disembodied form of reason, & a preference for analysis of themes & issues pertinent to the public rather than private sphere. In this climate, feminism has been pushed to the margins of philosophy, forcing women to choose between success on the discipline's terms or migration to women's studies programs. In arguing that women philosophers should continue to inhabit the borderlands between philosophy & women's studies, three dangers in inhabiting this space are raised: the tendency to turn philosophy into an exercise in literary analysis; (2) the tendency to make feminist arguments inaccessible to educated readers; & (3) the tendency to base one's work solely on linguistic or psychoanalytic theories. It is concluded that feminists can continue to occupy the borderlands by maintaining a commitment both to political engagement & to critical scrutiny. 14 References. D. M. Ryfe

The relationship between the postmodern & feminist accounts of philosophy & social criticism is discussed in reference to the potential for a mutually beneficial form of postmodern feminism. Both postmodernists & feminists have attempted to develop new frameworks of social criticism that do not rely on traditional philosophy. Postmodernists have emphasized the philosophy aspect of this goal, while feminists have focused on social criticism. It is argued that both discourses have developed complementary strengths & weaknesses, & cooperation between the disciplines could elucidate & overcome their internal shortcomings: a postmodern critique of feminism could reveal its essentialist tendencies, while a feminist critique of postmodernism could expand its political relevance. Following an examination of these weaknesses utilizing the work of Jean Francois Lyotard & various feminist theorists, the defining characteristics of postmodern feminism are depicted as (1) recognition of the importance of historical narratives & societal macrostructures; (2) historical & cultural sensitivity; & (3) an emphasis on alliances between differences rather than universal homogeneity. 33 References. T. Sevier