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The core focus of "Political Psychology: Critical Perspectives" is an interrelated set of European-based theories and perspectives that emphasize both the social context of the individual and the capacity of citizens to engage in strategic discursive and rhetorical agency. Through an explanation of social representations, social identity, self-categorization and other theories, Tileagă raises questions about mainstream methodologies in political psychology and offers alternatives. The core achievements of the book consist of the integrated presentation of a range of critical European-based political psychology approaches as well as a subtle exploration of the interplay between the individual and the social. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

The core focus of "Political Psychology: Critical Perspectives" is an interrelated set of European-based theories and perspectives that emphasize both the social context of the individual and the capacity of citizens to engage in strategic discursive and rhetorical agency. Through an explanation of social representations, social identity, self-categorization and other theories, Tileagă raises questions about mainstream methodologies in political psychology and offers alternatives. The core achievements of the book consist of the integrated presentation of a range of critical European-based political psychology approaches as well as a subtle exploration of the interplay between the individual and the social.

Political psychology constitutes a problem-oriented and interdisciplinary field (Staerkle, 2015). In fact, being born in the decades between the First and Second World Wars, it is intrinsically characterized by the concern to study and cope with social and political crises and their implications (Nesbitt-Larking & Kinnvall, 2012). Its theoretical tools and concepts were developed in order to cast light on phenomena such as mass psychology and collective action, racism, the rise of fascism and authoritarianism. The role of psychology in the study of these phenomena was, as Moscovici (1988) argued, not only necessary but also functional.

Political psychology constitutes a problem-oriented and interdisciplinary field (Staerkle, 2015). In fact, being born in the decades between the First and Second World Wars, it is intrinsically characterized by the concern to study and cope with social and political crises and their implications (Nesbitt-Larking & Kinnvall, 2012). Its theoretical tools and concepts were developed in order to cast light on phenomena such as mass psychology and collective action, racism, the rise of fascism and authoritarianism. The role of psychology in the study of these phenomena was, as Moscovici (1988) argued, not only necessary but also functional.

A combination of Psychology with International Relations yields important results and ideas for improving the international world. This chapter proposes to establish International Political Psychology as a discipline with the purpose of harvesting ideas, theories and concepts that derive out of a combination of the above disciplines.

What is the psychology underlying preferences for dominant political leaders? Against earlier theories about authoritarianism and submissiveness, recent research shows that followers strategically promote dominant individuals to leadership positions in order to enhance their ability to aggress against other groups. Thus, recent evidence supports the existence of dedicated mechanisms for generating summary impressions of the dominance of potential leaders from a wealth of cues. Furthermore, research demonstrates how preferences for dominant leaders are heightened in contexts of conflict and among individuals prone to view the social world as conflictual. At the same time, this research shows that followers intuitively fear exploitation from dominant leaders and the political psychology of followership also contains dedicated mechanisms for identifying and counteracting such exploitation.

Antisemitism and modern society are inextricably and intimately interwoven. This idea will be explicated by drawing upon major sociological and psychological theories regarding the relationship between the individual and society. The goal is to integrate individual, supraindividual, and structural dimensions into a political psychology of antisemitism. The main objective of this article is to gather various relevant theoretical insights and synthesize them into an integrated approach. ; Antisemitismus und die moderne Gesellschaft gehören zusammen und sind auf das Engste miteinander verwoben. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht diese Erkenntnis unter Bezugnahme auf die wesentlichen soziologischen und psychologischen Überlegungen mit Blick auf das Verhältnis von Individuum und Gesellschaft aufzuklären. Dabei wird der Versuch unternommen, individuelle, überindividuelle und strukturelle Dimension in eine Politische Psychologie des Antisemitismus zu integrieren. Das Hauptanliegen des Aufsatzes besteht darin, die theoretischen Erkenntnisse zu dieser Frage in einem integrativen Ansatz miteinander zu vermitteln.

The goals of this chapter are to first describe two common pitfalls of social psychological approaches to the study of ideological differences, specifically, a pre-occupation with explaining conservatives to the neglect of liberals and an over-reliance on positive test strategies. As guards against these potential pit falls, we recommend that researchers shift their orientation toward negative test strategies, something that can be facilitated by using a "grid" approach to hypothesis generation. The grid approach to hypothesis generation forces researchers to consider a set of competing explanations for liberal and conservative thoughts, feelings, and behavior, that vary in possible normative spin, which helps protect against possible researcher bias.

The article uses political psychology to understand how emotions such as fear, anger, hate and passion fuel the construction of emotional norms in foreign policy, and why this is important to the contributing articles to this Global Affairs special issue (SI) on emotion(al) norms in EUropean foreign policy. It argues that the SI sets out a significant stage in the political psychology of emotions from IR to the EU over the past 50 years. The value of the SI's theoretical contribution to the field is demonstrated by using the political psychologies of individual cognitive psychology, social psychology, social construction, psychoanalysisand critical political psychology to allow for engagement with the broader inter-discipline. The article concludes that the SI has made an original and interesting contribution in terms of empirically multileveled, theoretically emotional, andmethodologically discursive approaches to the understanding of the political psychologies of emotional norms in EU foreign policy.

Various factors besides culture and religion assist in defining the identity of a community. In the case of Cambodia, the tragic genocide of the Khmer Rouge and its aftermath forged a Cambodian identity suffering from severe psychological trauma. The lack of essential reconciliation and rehabilitation efforts by the government has played a role in the transgenerational passage of the trauma and needs to be addressed for the stable progression of Cambodian society. Political Psychology, Identity Politics, and Social Reconciliation in Post-Genocidal Cambodia

The provision of public services is a key responsibility of elected politicians. Research suggests that citizens' satisfaction evaluations of public services are incomplete representations of service quality and performance. However, little attention has been given to the political nature of service evaluations. Based on the theory of (partisan) motivated reasoning and the literature on responsibility attribution, we argue that citizens provide more favorable evaluations of municipal services when the responsibility for these services is vested in political principals with matching partisanship. Drawing on original data from a two-wave pre-post panel survey of Danish voters in the 2017 municipal elections, we employ a difference-in-differences estimator to identify the effect of a partisan match between voters and elected municipal leaders on citizen satisfaction with municipal services. We furthermore nest a survey experiment in the panel survey to test whether partisan bias in citizen satisfaction emerges when the line of functional responsibility between political principals and public services is clear and not dispersed across multiple actors. Our findings provide support for the hypothesis of partisan bias in satisfaction evaluations. We further demonstrate the importance of clarity of responsibility; partisan bias seems to come into being when the functional responsibility of municipal leaders for public services is clear and not dispersed across multiple actors, pointing toward a possible mechanism of partisan bias in citizen satisfaction.

Kurtbaş, İhsan; İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Siyaset Bilimi ve Kamu Yönetimi Bölümü ; Political researches assert that there are hundreds of factors that influence voter's preferences and decisions. This study is based on hypotheses which suggest that: (a) all factors influencing the voting behaviour build a joint and collective psychology in voters, in the last instance, on the elections day; (b) the collective feeling is an important political motivation that politicise the voters; (c) voters who have a collective feeling have joint political approaches and make similar decisions; (d) factors such as voters' sociodemographic characteristics; their prediction about the future of the country; their political knowledge and experience; the importance they attach to elections and their votes have a deep impact on the 'collective feeling', and; (e) elections are critical milestones that often relieve the voter who has been going through various emotions and fill him/her up with new emotions. To test these hypotheses, 478 voters in the Elazığ province of Turkey were surveyed during the Local Elections of 29 March 2009. The first stage of the survey, which consisted of a two-part form, was completed by voters before voting. The second stage, a follow up to the first form, was completed by the same voters straight after they had cast their votes. This way, the researcher was able to make a psycho-political analysis of the relationship between the factors that influenced voting behaviour and the 'collective psyche' voters develop immediately before and after voting. Based on some of the findings, 44.6% of the voters experienced negative feelings such as hesitation, anger, unhappiness, weariness, hate, guilt and fear immediately before they went to the ballot boxes. 29.8% said their mood changed straight after they had used their votes. The majority of the voters who harboured negative feelings before voting felt relieved afterwards. Although this means that using a vote has a somewhat relaxing side that relieves stress, it also indicates that voters cannot fully get out of the election psychology after voting. These and other findings confirmed all of the above hypotheses.

This manuscript explores the relationship between positive psychology and political philosophy, revealing an inter-disciplinary approach that speaks to the concerns of the common good. Since positive psychology has been expanding its reach into social and political spheres, its relationship to philosophical arguments has been worthy of exploration. Positive psychology is associated with utilitarianism, and aspects of hedonic psychology. However, an alternative concept of eudaimonic well-being has enabled this psychology to have links to other political philosophies. Therefore, this manuscript provides an overview of contemporary political philosophies: first, it discusses the debate between liberalism and communitarianism, and secondly, it summarizes the subsequent developments of liberal perfectionism, capability approach, and deliberative democracy. Then, the configuration of these political philosophies is indicated by the figure of two axes of "individual/collective" and "ethical/non-ethical." The following section compiles the inter-relationships between the conceptions of citizenship, justice, and well-being, regarding the main political philosophies: egoism, utilitarianism, libertarianism, liberalism, communitarianism, and conservatism. Utilitarianism is associated with happiness, while liberalism and libertarianism rely on the concept of rights, which is almost equal to the idea of justice. Accordingly, utilitarianism is a philosophy of well-being, while liberalism and libertarianism are philosophies of justice. However, there is little connection between well-being and justice in these philosophies because the two kinds of philosophies are incompatible. The latter kind criticizes the former because the maximization of happiness can infringe on people's rights. Moreover, these philosophies do not particularly value citizenship. In contrast, communitarianism is intrinsically the political philosophy of citizenship most attuned to increasing well-being, and it can connect an idea of justice with ...

There are interesting developments of political psychology, particularly in the effort of women in politic arena. Until the mid-year 2007, at least 82 women were recorded following the elections in 232 provincial-level regions and districts level. Out of the above, 26 women (30.76%) registered as a candidate for the leader of region and 57 women (69.24%), registered as a deputy leader of the region, although only eight women who are successfully elected as the leader of region and 11 elected as deputy leaders of regional (Arifin, 2008). With direct elections as happened today, making the candidates should follow the "interest" of voters. Efforts to understand the voter?s behavior, feelings and thinking do not always easy. The old ways by making a donation of material deemed not affect voters more powerful. One possible solution is the assessment needs of the voter. Fullfillness of voter?s needs is not always easy because there are differences of character between communities, genders and individuals that influence their voting behavior. Voting behavior was defined as a voter in the decision to vote for certain candidates in both the legislative and executive elections. In political science, there are two kinds of approaches in analyzing the voting behavior. 1). sociological approach. Person?s background, gender, social class, race, religion, and ideology determine the decision to voting according the approach. 2). psychological approach. In this approach, value, personal qualities of the candidates, issues which developed by candidate and loyalty to the party are influence voter?s choice. Some research shows that there exist different patterns of voting behavior between men and women. Women are more conservative in determining her choosen than men (Inglehart & Norris, 2000). The study involved 90 students (45 women and 45 men). To take data used scenarios about election for leader of region (bupati). Than subyek choose Male or female as a leader, or not vote at all. Each alternative answer to the subjects ...

This article gives voice to pondering the dramatic changes in the Western politics of our era. The crisis of democracy, the spread of populism and the progression of national right-wing ideologies are the key headings of the analyses that research the phenomenon of, and deep social and even socio-psychological reasons for, the political reactions of Western societies. It assumes that the increasing anti-political attitude of the Western societies is shaped by two psychological factors: the burnout of Western people (their unhappiness) and Western people's increasing fear. As for our hypothesis, Western voters' psychic condition is deteriorating through a synergy of several "traps". These are (a) the trap of improving wellbeing (luxury trap), (b) the technological trap and (c) the biological paradox. Western people have reached the psychological tipping point these decades and have been looking for fast, radical and plausible politics. At this point the national political-based, in every sense protectionist, i.e., protective politics promising cultural identity and at the same time individual identity is successful. All these are a comeback to pre-modern political culture where the promises are guaranteed by the leader to make the public happy personally and through his charisma. ; Автор статьи рассуждает о значительных переменах в западной политике нашей эпохи. Кризис демократии, распространение популизма и развитие правых идеологий являются ключевыми направлениями анализа, цель которого – объяснить феномен политических реакций в западных обществах, а также выявить глубокие социальные и социально-психологические причины явления. Предполагается, что растущие «антиполитические» тенденции в западных обществах формируется двумя психологическими факторами: психологической истощенностью человека (чувства несчастья) и его растущим страхом. В рамках этой гипотезы также предполагается, что психическое состояние избирателей в западных обществах ухудшается благодаря взаимноусилению нескольких «ловушек». Это (а) ловушка улучшения благосостояния («ловушка роскоши»), (б) технологическая ловушка и (в) биологический парадокс. Западные люди в последние десятилетия достигли психологического переломного момента в поисках политической модели, отличающейся быстротой реакции, радикализмом и транспарентностью. Многие процессы свидетельствуют о возвращении к культуре домодерна, где общество довольствуется обещаниями лидера и его харизмой.