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Political psychology may be legitimately developed as a "social aesthetic." Its activities generate social forms, much as in the arts. While logic works within the confines of society's language, aesthetic forms work with its sensibility, in the understanding that significance lies within the unitary wholes. In this sense, political psychology cannot be separated from psychology in general. In both cases, we participate in the generation of form. However, because these forms enter society in significant ways, reflexive attention must be given to what it is we create. Mechanical forms, which are common to the field & to society generally, contribute to a condition of social alienation; in contrast, the form of a game is more closely related to the spontaneous creation of community. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractIn a 2002 overview, Daniele Conversi rightly highlights 'Nationalism as an emotional bond' as a central theme in Walker Connor's works. Nearly half a century on from Connor's initial assertions, the discipline of psychology has made important strides in understanding the social‐psychological dynamics that influence nationalist feelings. Building on this base of psychological evidence, this essay asks two questions. First, to what degree are Connor's claims supported by or compatible with what psychologists now know? Second, to the extent that Connor's arguments are correct, to what degree have scholarly understandings of nationalist politics recognised the implications of Connor's insights? I conclude that Connor's insights stand up remarkably well, but few have picked up on them, to the lasting detriment of our field of study.

Political psychology may be legitimately developed as a "social aesthetic.&;rdquo; Its activities generate social forms, much as in the arts. While logic works within the confines of society's language, aesthetic forms work with its sensibility, in the understanding that significance lies within the unitary wholes. In this sense, political psychology cannot be separated from psychology in general. In both cases we participate in the generation of form. However, because these forms enter society in significant ways, reflexive attention must be given to what it is we create. Mechanical forms, which are common to the field and to society generally, contribute to a condition of social alienation; in contrast, the form of a game is more closely related to the spontaneous creation of community.

Political Psychology does not have as much prominence in the US as in Europe. It should be promoted there to fill in the dearth of data on legislative & elite behavior. Political Psychology could provide a counterpoint to rational choice theory. Differences between Political Psychology & rational choice theory are discussed, eg, Political Psychology's consideration of political preferences as endogenous as well as exogenous. Both perspectives with their respective strengths & weaknesses should be applied to solving political research questions & covering both elite behavior & mass level behavior, traditionally the realm of Political Sociology & Social Psychology. References. M. Pflum

Around the 1960s, political psychology was developed as a field of knowledge that attempted to interrelate scientific psychology and political phenomena. However, social and academic conditions are very different today. More and more, political psychology is becoming a protagonist, as much in the internal context of psychology as in the external context of its relations with the social world. Thus, political psychology can now be seen as a resource relating psychological knowledge to social practice, and relating psychological processes to social action. (Original abstract - amended)