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This work presents the results of empirical research on the relation among authoritarianism, political worldview, & party choice. Based on the existing research, the starting assumption is that authoritarianism is largely typical for the electoral body of the "right-wing" parties as well as for the conservative worldview. The specially designed scale for measuring authoritarian/conformist tendencies has shown a marked mono-dimensionality & inner consistency. The findings have confirmed the initial assumption; they have also shown a relatively regular correspondence between a party's position on the "Left-Right" spectrum & the degree of authoritarianism of its electoral body. The sole exception is a higher degree of authoritarianism of HDZ's electoral body than that of HSP's, which may be explained by the fact that the applied scale has measured solely the attitude towards authority & conformity & not the attitude towards minority groups, which is a component of the famous "F" scale. Also, it has been shown that the voters of the so-called "modernist" worldviews (liberal, social-democratic) are significantly less authoritarian than the voters of the so-called "conservative" worldviews (democratic-Christian, Christian-socialist, traditional, or conservative). 10 Tables, 2 Figures, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Rad sagledava bunkerske sustave upisane u topografiju europskog kontinenta kao vrstu znakova koji označavaju rituale prijelaza iz jednog geopolitičkog i društveno-političkog stanja u drugo. Oni time funkcioniraju kao vrsta simbolizacije ratne traume, poput znakova koji ostaju urezani u kožu poslije rituala prijelaza kod "primitivnih naroda". Uzimajući u obzir teze socijalnog psihologa Richarda Koenigsberga da postoji identifikacija ega pojedinca s formacijom nacionalnog ega te teze Sigmunda Freuda da je ego uvijek povezan s površinom kože, naglašava se uloga arhitekture kao proizvoda označavanja kože pri ritualima prijelaza. Danas, kad migranti prolaze pokraj bunkera iz Drugog svjetskog rata na hrvatskomađarskoj granici da bi se provukli kroz novosagrađenu ogradu s čeličnim žiletima, stvara se novi ožiljak na koži Europe, formira se njezin novi identitet, a društvo u cijelosti sudjeluje u ritualu prijelaza iz starog u još uvijek nepoznato novo. ; This paper focuses on the bunker systems inscribed in the topography of the European continent as a sort of signs indicating rites of passage from one geopolitical and socio-political state into another. They symbolize the war trauma in a way, like signs that remain incised in one's skin after the rites of passage practiced by the "primitive peoples". In reference to the hypothesis of social psychologist Richard Koenigsbergad that the individual tends to identify himself with the formation of the national ego, and that of Sigmund Freud, for whom the Ego is always related to the surface of the skin, architecture is seen as a product of marking the skin in rites of passage. Today, when migrants pass by the bunkers from World War II at the Croatian-Hungarian border in order to squeeze themselves through the newly erected fence with steel blades, a new scar emerges on the skin of Europe, shaping its new identity, and the society as a whole participates in this rite of passage from the old state into a new one, still unforeseeable.

In his analysis of the role of animals in political theory, ideology, & practice, the author claims that they are mostly used as metaphors, while in the world of real politics, people are not just considered & spoken of as animals, but are treated as such as well. The text includes several motifs from this substantial, historically well-documented, extensive topic. Political thinking in antiquity distinguishes a man from an animal, while the Renaissance & the modern political theory recognize the animality in politics. In contemporary theories & collective psychology, there are the motifs of rulers, shepherds & people, & erds. In fables as a literary genre, animals serve to teach the nature of politics as well as proper & improper political behavior. Adapted from the source document.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Has the new political science, which operates in the conditions of democracy, brought to light anything of political importance that the old political science at its best did not know at least as well? The new political science starts from the modern understanding of science, which holds that only scientific knowledge is genuine knowledge. Just as classical physics had to be superseded by nuclear physics so that the atomic age could come in via the atomic bomb, the old political science had to be superseded by a sort of nuclear political science. Serious criticism of the old political science is a waste of time; we know in advance that it could only have been a pseudo science, although perhaps including a few remarkably shrewd hunches. This is not to deny that the adherents of the new political science sometimes engage in criticism of the old, but they demonstrate a constitutional inability to understand the criticized doctrines on their own terms. The new political science deems that our political situation is entirely unprecedented, and that an unprecedented political science is called for. But it fails to see that an unprecedented political situation would be a situation of no political interest, i.e. not a political situation. Now, if the essential character of all political situations was grasped by the old political science, there seems to be no reason why it must be superseded by a new political science. While the old, Aristotelian political science was based on political experience, the new is based on scientific psychology. The Aristotelian political science views political things in the perspective of the citizen; since there is of necessity a variety of citizen perspectives, the political scientist or political philosopher must become an umpire. The new political science on the other hand looks at political things from without, in the perspective of the neutral observer. Based as it is on empirism, it must reject the results of political understanding and political experience as such, and since the political things are given to us in political understanding and political experience, the new political science cannot be helpful for the deeper understanding thereof. The break with political understanding of political things necessitates the making of a language different from the language used by political men. The new political science claims that only its own language is unambiguous and precise. Yet this claim is not warranted. The language of the new political science is not less vague, but more vague, than the language used in political life. In the crisis of the modern world, while Rome burns, one may say of it that it fiddles, but, unlike Nero, it does not know that it fiddles, and it does not know that Rome burns. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj je rada ustanoviti je li u Europskoj uniji i Republici Hrvatskoj došlo do smanjenja broja građana koji se identificiraju kao građani Europske unije te koji elementi utječu na dinamiku kreiranja europskoga identiteta. Razlog se istraživanja tematike vidi u rastu populističkih narativa u Europskoj uniji koji su npr. vodili izlasku Velike Britanije iz Europske unije. Međutim, za razliku od uobičajenih politoloških analiza koncepta europskoga identiteta u radu se nastoji dati uvid u interdisciplinarni okvir proučavanja. U prvome se dijelu rad donosi pregled teorija kolektivnoga identiteta u psihologiji i antropologiji. Psihološke se teorije identiteta interpretiraju socijalnom i kulturalnom psihologijom. Antropološke se teorije identiteta dijele na ranije i postmoderne antropološke interpretacije. Fokus je rada na interpretiranju kategorije europskog identiteta, proizvoljno odabranim elementima psihologije i antropologije. Metodološki dio rada obuhvaća analizu i interpretaciju statističkih podataka na temelju niza longitudinalnoga istraživanja Eurobarometer Standard. Kod analize podataka pravi se razlika između razine Europske unije i razine Republike Hrvatske. Rezultati provedene analize upućuju na rast hibridnoga oblika identiteta koji se sastoji od nacionalnoga identiteta na prvome mjestu i europskoga identiteta na drugome mjestu. Isto tako, građani Europske unije smatraju da im je identitetski bliža lokalna razina države, grada ili sela. Konačno, elementi koji kreiraju dinamiku razvoja europskoga identiteta nisu isti za sve građane Europske unije te ovise o široj društveno-političkoj situaciji. ; The main goal of this article is to establish whether in the European Union and Croatia there has been a decrease in the number of citizens who identify themselves as citizens of the European Union, and what are the elements that contribute to the dynamics of creation of the European identity. The reason for exploring this particular topic is the growth of populist narratives in the European Union that potentially led to the UK's exit from the European Union. However, unlike the usual political analysis of the concept of European identity, the article tries to provide an interdisciplinary insight. The first part of the article provides an overview of the theories of collective identity in psychology and anthropology. Psychological identity theories are interpreted through social and cultural psychology. Anthropological theories of identity are divided into earlier and postmodern anthropological interpretations. The focus of the article is on interpreting the European identity through arbitrarily selected psychological and anthropological elements. The methodological part of the paper covers the analysis and interpretation of statistics based on the Eurobarometer Standard series of longitudinal surveys. When analyzing data, a distinction is made between, on one hand, the European Union and, on the other hand, the country of Croatia. The results of the analysis indicate the growth of a hybrid form of identity consisting of national identity in the first place and European identity in the second place. Furthermore, citizens of the European Union consider that their local, national or rural, level is closer to their identity. Finally, the elements that govern the dynamics of European identity development are not the same for all EU citizens and depend on the wider socio-political situation.