The infrastructure of political psychology
In: Political psychology, S. 18-35
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In: Political psychology, S. 18-35
In: Political psychology., S. 18-35
Der Beitrag bestimmt den Standort der politischen Psychologie zwischen den beiden Disziplinen Politikwissenschaft und Psychologie. Die Beschreibung der "Infrastruktur" dieser Subdisziplin befasst sich mit den nationalen und internationalen Ressourcen der Forschung, den institutionellen Verflechtungen mit der pädagogischen Psychologie und den institutionalisierten Berufsinteressen der beiden Herkunftsdisziplinen. Eingegangen wird weiterhin auf Ausbildungsbedingungen, Curriculumentwicklung und Graduiertenförderung im Feld der politischen Psychologie. Thematisiert werden auch die Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten durch private und wirtschaftliche Geldgeber, die Entstehung einiger Stiftungen und der expandierende Markt für Beratung und Training durch die politische Psychologie. Die fruchtbarsten Perspektiven sieht die Autorin in einer Synthese zwischen politischen Rational-Choice-Ansätzen und dem verhaltens- und lerntheoretischen Ansatz zur Analyse von politischen Entscheidungsprozessen. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1920 bis 2000.
In: Political psychology, S. 63-87
Considers the issue of whether recent welfare reforms indicate any basic transformation in notions of quality, citizenship, & the role of the state, contending that no such alteration has taken place. Rather, reform itself is a reaction to shifts in social conditions & practices. The crucial changes pertain to conventions about family formation, womens roles, reproductive options, & motherhood. These shifts, not a refutation of the conditional reciprocity model itself, are responsible for the changes in US welfare policy. Tables, References. K. Coddon
In: Political psychology, S. 88-109
In: Political psychology, S. 110-127
The current state of relations between the Canadian government & aboriginal peoples in Canada is examined, focusing on psychological motivations behind Canadian people's behaviors toward the Native peoples. An overview of the legal impediments to indigenous persons' rights & the slow resolution of land disputes between Native peoples & the Canadian state is presented. Two cases illustrating the contentious state of Canadian-Native relations -- the state's use of the Canadian Armed Forces to overcome a Native blockade in Quebec & the Native lobbies against creating hydroelectric dams around James Bay -- are provided & subsequently used to document the psychological foundations of policies against Native peoples. It is contended that state policies attempt to dehumanize Native peoples in order to justify their disreputable treatment. J. Platt's (1973) notion of the social fence is recalled to explain bureaucrats' unwillingness to intervene on behalf of Canada's indigenous peoples. Several recommendations for eliminating the imposition of structural violence on Native peoples are offered, eg, establishing a higher authority. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 116 References. J. W. Parker
Attempts to understand violence, both before & after September 11 (2001), have excluded cultural & psychological elements from their political analysis. The effects of culture & psychology can create a situation where violence, normally constrained by society, erupts into episodes of conflict & war, particularly when influenced by external economic & political pressures. Social & religious movements resulting from this confluence cannot be understood through an appeal to traditional logic, but must be considered through the lens of psychosexual analysis. Similarly, episodes of political & social violence must be understood within the culture that created them. It is concluded that the studies of culture & psychology must be reincorporated into political analyses & that the US must treat culture as a political matter & not shy away from cultural conflicts to protect its own psychological comfort zone. T. Foster
Attempts to understand violence, both before & after September 11 (2001), have excluded cultural & psychological elements from their political analysis. The effects of culture & psychology can create a situation where violence, normally constrained by society, erupts into episodes of conflict & war, particularly when influenced by external economic & political pressures. Social & religious movements resulting from this confluence cannot be understood through an appeal to traditional logic, but must be considered through the lens of psychosexual analysis. Similarly, episodes of political & social violence must be understood within the culture that created them. It is concluded that the studies of culture & psychology must be reincorporated into political analyses & that the US must treat culture as a political matter & not shy away from cultural conflicts to protect its own psychological comfort zone. T. Foster
In: Challenges to theoretical psychology : selected/ edited proceedings of the seventh biennial conference of the International Society for Theoretical Psychology, Berlin, 27 April - 2 May 1997, S. 434-440
As an outcome of the West German students movement critical psychologies in German-speaking countries have developped as marxist critiques of society and science. Above all, Holzkamp used Marx' and Engels' doctrines of natural and societal progression as foundations of a unifying categorical and closed epistemological system. Part of a political movement, psychologists were forced to link with discourses originating in the late twenties and early thirties, then cut off by National Socialism and postwar ideologies in Germany and Austria. They were forced to make up for a lag. They were to reify Marx' ghosts . For a long time they ignored the experiences of left critics in other western cultures, especially France, where critiques had been differentiated in a post-marxist manner. Up to the late eighties, this critical-psychological ignorance happened even to feminism, poststructuralism and constructivism. With the breakdown of so-called 'real socialism' Critical psychology after all had lost the last social and communitarian foundations as a reference. It had left trends of historic progression and had become conservative in a paradox way. Finally, the defeat has opened actual chances of critique, potentially in fragmented postmodern discourses.
In: Democratization, Europeanization, and globalization trends: cross-national analysis of authoritarianism, socialization, communications, youth, and social policy, S. 379-395
"This chapter reports on the on-going work of a team of researchers conducting studies on (supra)national identity in eight European nations: Britain, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, and Sweden. Using Q methodology as their uniform approach, the researchers illuminate cross-cultural variables that are at work in the construction of the European Union, The chapter presents a brief description of the entire project, including a description of Q methodology, as a prelude to a more detailed discussion of how one part of the overall project was conducted in France. Finally, a concluding section addresses implications that these studies could have for the field of political psychology." (author's abstract)
The political debate central to the origins of the Dutch Republic is presented as the struggle between political liberty & a self-liberating republic, vs the determinism & bondage of man. It is argued that the significant theoretical contributions of 17th-century Dutch political philosophers lie in their development of a neo-Stoic concept of liberty & human empowerment out of Predestination. The charge of radicalism against Dutch political philosophy is a misguided anachronism, considering that these thinkers attempted to further the cause of republican freedom. The debate of determinism centered on the necessity of liberty to human nature, encompassing moral psychology, a metaphysical providentialism, & naturalism. J. Sadler
The political debate central to the origins of the Dutch Republic is presented as the struggle between political liberty & a self-liberating republic, vs the determinism & bondage of man. It is argued that the significant theoretical contributions of 17th-century Dutch political philosophers lie in their development of a neo-Stoic concept of liberty & human empowerment out of Predestination. The charge of radicalism against Dutch political philosophy is a misguided anachronism, considering that these thinkers attempted to further the cause of republican freedom. The debate of determinism centered on the necessity of liberty to human nature, encompassing moral psychology, a metaphysical providentialism, & naturalism. J. Sadler
Reviews cultural & social psychological analyses of social movements, & explores how "liberation movements" differ systematically from those based on concern about social problems, pointing out the impact of those differences on the dynamics of social movements. The benefits of cultural & social psychology studies are discussed, along with their tendency to inadequately position individuals & social groups within power systems of domination, arguing that the failure to address the role of opposition to domination often results from the different characteristics of the groups studied. Environmental & antinuclear activists build identity & consciousness "from the ground up" since their identities are chosen, rather than imposed from the outside by a dominant group, as is the case with racial groups. It is contended that oppositional cultures & consciousness are generated by the historical & social processes that exist in systems of human domination. The impact of physical segregation on oppositional consciousness is discussed, along with the link between structure & culture, & the different cultural tasks confronting liberation movements, equality-based special issue movements, & social responsibility movements. J. Lindroth
Reviews cultural & social psychological analyses of social movements, & explores how "liberation movements" differ systematically from those based on concern about social problems, pointing out the impact of those differences on the dynamics of social movements. The benefits of cultural & social psychology studies are discussed, along with their tendency to inadequately position individuals & social groups within power systems of domination, arguing that the failure to address the role of opposition to domination often results from the different characteristics of the groups studied. Environmental & antinuclear activists build identity & consciousness "from the ground up" since their identities are chosen, rather than imposed from the outside by a dominant group, as is the case with racial groups. It is contended that oppositional cultures & consciousness are generated by the historical & social processes that exist in systems of human domination. The impact of physical segregation on oppositional consciousness is discussed, along with the link between structure & culture, & the different cultural tasks confronting liberation movements, equality-based special issue movements, & social responsibility movements. J. Lindroth