Suchergebnisse

Die Dissertation ist ein Beitrag zur Debatte um die Revision des amerikanistischen Lektürekanons. Ihre drei Schwerpunkte sind die Geschichte und Mythologie der Karibikinsel Puerto Rico, die soziale Lage und das Image der Puertoricaner in den USA sowie die auf Englisch erschienene Erzählliteratur von Autoren puertoricanischer Herkunft. (1) Die spanische Kolonie Puerto Rico kam 1898 in den Besitz der USA und erlebte in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts einen rasanten ökonomischen Aufstieg, der mit wachsender Abhängigkeit vom amerikanischen Wohlfahrtsstaat erkauft ist. In freien Referenden bejahte jeweils eine knappe Mehrheit den Zwitterstatus ihrer Insel, die bis heute weder ein Staat der USA noch ein souveränes Land ist. Da jedoch der Kongress in Washington über die Zukunft des Commonwealth of Puerto Rico zu bestimmen hat, bleibt die Insel eine Kolonie der USA. Puerto Ricos Mythologie ist von Stereotypen geprägt, die sich zu einem negativen Klischee vom Nationalcharakter des Landes verdichtet haben. Die amerikanische Dominanz in Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur verstärkt die von vielen beklagte Schizophrenie Puerto Ricos. Die Chance einer Lösung des puertoricanischen Syndroms verspricht nur die nationale Unabhängigkeit. (2) Stereotype bestimmen auch das Bild von den übergesiedelten Puertoricanern, den Nuyoricans, in der Öffentlichkeit der USA. Das Negativimage der kaum assimilierten Gruppe wird von den Massenmedien verfestigt, obwohl seriöse Studien zeigen, dass frühere Immigranten ähnliche Probleme mit sich brachten. Die Mehrheit der US-Experten propagiert nach wie vor die allmähliche Assimilation der Übersiedler im Rahmen eines kulturellen Pluralismus. Bei den Puertoricanern geht der Trend seit dem Aufkommen des Multikulturalismus in Richtung einer hybriden, bikulturellen Identität, in ein Wort gefasst mit dem Begriff Nuyorican. Die Dissertation bietet eine Auswertung der auf Englisch erschienenen Literatur über die Puertoricaner in den USA unter 15 Aspekten: Kultur, Religion, Bildung, Sprache, Politik, Arbeit, welfare, Wohnverhältnisse, ethnicity, race, class, gender, Familie, Law and order und Migration. Am Beispiel von belletristischen Texten, Spielfilmen und Musicals wird gezeigt, dass die Puertoricaner in diesen Genres größtenteils wohlwollend dargestellt erscheinen. Das gilt auch für das Musical West Side Story, dem viele Kritiker zu Unrecht vorwerfen, die puertoricanischen Jugendlichen als Gangster zu stigmatisieren. (3) Die puertoricanische Prosa in englischer Sprache hat im Kanon der amerikanischen Literatur und in der Kritik bisher kaum eine Rolle gespielt. Vor allem die zahlreichen Neuerscheinungen der achtziger und neunziger Jahre werden hier erstmals auf historisch-soziologischer Basis analysiert. Allgemeine Trends der neueren Nuyorican-Literatur sind ihre Diversifizierung und Feminisierung. Größere Vielfalt gibt es heute bei den Schauplätzen, den Textsorten und den Themen. Das Thema gender steht nicht nur bei den Frauen, sondern auch bei männlichen Autoren oft im Mittelpunkt. Von den Autoren, die New York zum Schauplatz gewählt haben, ist Abraham Rodriguez, Jr. der bedeutendste. Rodriguez erzählt von Teenagern in der South Bronx, deren puertoricanische Ethnizität kein bestimmender Faktor mehr ist. So ist er der am weitesten amerikanisierte Autor der Nuyoricans. Die überzeugendste Interpretation des Migrationsprozesses bietet Esmeralda Santiago. Bei ihr steht die Kritik am traditionellen puertoricanischen Sexismus im Zentrum. Eine feministische Grundtendenz haben auch die in Puerto Rico angesiedelten, zum Teil magisch-realistischen Werke von Rosario Ferré. Die besten Werke von Rodriguez, Santiago, Ferré und weiteren Puertoricanern verdienen Anerkennung als wertvoller und zukunftweisender Beitrag zur amerikanischen Literatur. ; The thesis contributes to the debate about the revision of the American literary canon. Its first focus is on the history and mythology of Puerto Rico, the second on the social situation and image of the Puerto Ricans in the U.S., and the third on the prose literature by authors of Puerto Rican descent published in English. (1) The Spanish colony of Puerto Rico became a possession of the U.S. in 1898 and experienced a rapid economic rise in the second half of the 20th century, at the expence of growing dependence on the American welfare state. In free referendums the people of Puerto Rico have so far condoned the intermediate status of their island, which still is neither a state of the union nor an independent nation. But in fact the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico remains a colony of the U.S., as the real power to decide about its status lies with Congress. Puerto Rico's mythology has from the start been dominated by stereotypes, which have resulted in a negative cliché of its national character. The United States' political, economic and cultural hegemony has reinforced the alleged schizophrenic state of Puerto Rico. The only chance of healing this Puerto Rican syndrome is the island's national independence. (2) Stereotypes have also determined the image in the American public of the Puerto Ricans who have migrated to the mainland. The bad reputation of this hardly assimilated group is constantly being confirmed by the mass media, although serious studies prove that earlier immigrants had similar problems. Most U.S. experts still advocate the migrants' gradual assimilitation according to the ideal of cultural pluralism. Since the rise of multiculturalism, within the U.S. Puerto Rican community the trend has been going towards a hybrid, bicultural, Nuyorican identity. The dissertation assesses the literature about Puerto Ricans in the U.S. published in English from 15 key aspects: culture, religion, education, language, politics, work, welfare, housing, ethnicity, race, class, gender, family, law and order und migration. A critical look at books, movies and musicals by non-Puerto Ricans shows that in these genres migrants from Puerto Rico have by and large been portrayed benevolenty. This is true even for the musical West Side Story, which has often been wrongly blamed for stigmatizing Puerto Rican youngsters as gangsters. (3) Puerto Rican prose literature in English has so far played little role in the American canon and in criticism. This thesis offers the first analysis of the many new volumes from the eighties and nineties on a socio-historical basis. The overall trends of recent Nuyorican literature are its diversification und feminization. There is a greater diversity of settings, text types and themes. Gender is a central issue not only with the women, but also with a number of male authors. Of those writers who take New York as the setting, Abraham Rodriguez, Jr. is the most important. Rodriguez's books are about teenagers in the South Bronx whose Puerto Rican ethnicity is no crucial factor any more. Thus he is the most Americanised author among the Nuyoricans. The most convincing interpretation of the migratory process is Esmeralda Santiago's. Her main thrust is against the Puerto Rican tradition of sexism. The works of Rosario Ferré, some told in magic realism and all set in Puerto Rico, also have a feminist tendency. The best books by Rodriguez, Santiago, Ferré and a few more Puerto Ricans deserve to be recognised as a valuable and visionary contribution to American literature.

The aim of the study. Scientific research traces the genesis of amateur cultural unions of the Ukrainian SSR Volyn region during 1988–1991 against the background of the festival movement. During this period, in the environment of democratization reforms of perestroika, amateur artistic groups were formed, which subsequently became politicized and replenished Ukrainian anti-communist parties and public associations. It's activities has not yet been sufficiently studied in such an important aspect of restoration in Ukraine state independence, as the initial processes of the national culture revival at the stage of perestroika. Therefore, the purpose of a scientific article is on the background of the festival movement birth to explore the chronicle of the informal environment transformation of the Volyn region in the anti-communist liberation struggle. Such communities included educational, ethnographic, vocal, choreographic, theatrical and stage groups, which were formed as informal, consequently they were not controlled by the communist government. It has intensified the national renaissance, one of the manifestations of which was the emergence of a large number of festivals, although latent, but positioned itself as anti-Soviet. Its number significantly grew up in 1988, which was the result of the XIX All-Union Party Conference, which initiated a political reform in the USSR and made possible the country democratic innovations in the cultural environment. Participation in festivals often took amateur performers, who were not members of the Soviet unions culture, and therefore went beyond the official doctrine of the communist art development. Therefore, the development of the festival movement in the rift of national revival in many respects allowed the regeneration of the region in habitants patriotic self-awareness. Understanding that non-formals went beyond socialist realism, and thus were oppositional, the local communist government favored them only formally. In fact, the party structures obstructed and tried to subordinate amateur unions and put it on the communist side. However, the rapid deployment of the national liberation movement in the West Ukrainian lands not only consolidated informal organizations, but also politicized it transforming it into the Ukraine's sovereignty restoration supporters. Methodology. The method of scientific work is a problem-chronological method, which is a determinative in the process of historical retrospective events reconstruction. Scientific novelty. The source of this study has been archived unpublished, secret Communist Party materials, as well as periodicals of the communist and national-democratic press. Conclusions. In the process of Ukrainian land's national-democratic revival of the perestroika period informal cultural societies occupied a significant place. In its educational activities anticommunist component was well visible, which enabled the regeneration of patriotic population's national self-awareness and further anti-Soviet political transformations of the region. These factors contributed to the restoration of Ukraine's state independence in 1991. ; Научная статья прослеживает развитие самодеятельных объединений культуры Волынской области УССР в 1988–1991 гг. на фоне фестивального движения. В этот период в среде демократических преобразований перестройки возникли самодеятельные культурные сообщества, которые со временем политизировались и пополнили украинские антикоммунистические партии и общественные организации. Их деятельность еще недостаточно изучена в таком важном аспекте возобновления украинской государственности, как начальные процессы возрождения ее национальной культуры на этапе перестройки. Цель исследования – проследить хронику перерастания неформальной среды Волынской области в антикоммунистическое освободительное движение на фоне зарождения фестивального движения. В число таких сообществ входили просветительские, краеведческие, вокальные, хореографические, театральные и эстрадные коллективы, которые сформировались как неформальные, то есть не были подконтрольными коммунистической власти. Они, не в последнюю очередь, активизировали национальный ренессанс, одним из проявлений которого было возникновение множества фестивалей, которые, хотя и скрыто, но позиционировали себя как антисоветские. Их количество заметно увеличивается в 1988 г., что было следствием ХІХ Всесоюзной партийной конференции. Она инициировала политическую реформу в СССР, а поэтому сделала возможными демократические реформы в культурной среде страны. Участие в этих фестивалях нередко принимали самодеятельные исполнители, которые не были членами советских творческих союзов, а поэтому выходили за рамки официальной доктрины развития коммунистического искусства. Как следствие, развитие фестивального движения в контексте национального возрождения во многом сделало возможной регенерацию патриотического самосознания жителей региона. Понимая, что неформалы выходят за рамки социалистического реализма, а потому являются оппозиционными, коммунистическая власть воспринимала их благосклонно только формально. На самом деле партийные структуры препятствовали, пытались подчинить неформалов и направить их в коммунистическое русло. Но стремительное развитие национально-освободительного движения на западноукраинских землях не только консолидировало неформальные организации, а и политизировало их, трансформируя в сторонников возобновления государственной независимости Украины. Методология. Методологическим инструментарием научной статьи является проблемно-хронологический метод как основной в процессе реконструкции событий культурно-исторической ретроспективы. Научная новизна. Источниковедческой базой предлагаемого исследования являются неопубликованные архивные материалы, секретные компартийные документы и периодические издания коммунистической и национально-демократической прессы. Выводы. В процессе национально-демократического возрождения украинских земель периода перестройки неформальные сообщества культуры занимали значительное место. В их просветительской деятельности хорошо просматривалась антикоммунистическая составляющая, которая не в последнюю очередь сделала возможной регенерацию национального сознания и последующие политические трансформации в Волынской области. Эти факторы во многом способствовали возобновлению украинской государственности в 1991 году. ; Наукова розвідка простежує ґенезу самодіяльних спілок культури Волинської області УРСР у 1988–1991 рр. на тлі розгортання фестивального руху. У цей період у середовищі демократизаційних реформувань перебудови утворилися самодіяльні мистецькі колективи, які згодом політизувалися й поповнили українські антикомуністичні партії та громадські об'єднання. Їх діяльність ще недостатньо вивчена у такому аспекті відновлення державної самостійності України, як початкові процеси відродження її національної культури на етапі перебудови. Мета дослідження – простежити хроніку переростання неформального середовища Волинської області на антикомуністичний визвольний розвій на фоні зародження фестивального руху. До зазначених товариств входили просвітницькі, краєзнавчі, вокальні, хореографічні, театральні та естрадні колективи, котрі сформувалися як неформальні, тобто були непідконтрольними комуністичній владі. Вони активізували національний ренесанс, одним із проявів якого було виникнення великої кількості фестивалів, що, хоча й латентно, але позиціонували себе як антирадянські. Кількість фестивалів значно зростає у 1988 р., що сталося внаслідок ХІХ Всесоюзної партійної конференції, яка започаткувала політичну реформу в СРСР й уможливила демократичні новації у культурному середовищі країни. До участі у фестивалях нерідко потрапляли самодіяльні виконавці, які не були членами радянських творчих спілок, а тому виходили за межі офіційної доктрини розвитку комуністичного мистецтва. Тому розвиток фестивального руху у річищі національного відродження багато у чому уможливив регенерацію патріотичного самоусвідомлення мешканців регіону. Розуміючи, що неформали виходять за рамки соціалістичного реалізму, а відтак є опозиційними, місцева комуністична влада ставилася до них сприятливо лише формально. Насправді партійні структури чинили перешкоди й намагалися підпорядкувати самодіяльні спілки та ввести їх у комуністичне русло. Однак стрімке розгортання національно-визвольного руху на західноукраїнських землях не тільки консолідувало неформальні організації, а й політизувало їх, трансформуючи у прихильників відновлення державної самостійності України. Методологія. Методологічним інструментарієм наукової роботи є проблемно-хронологічний метод як визначальний у процесі реконструкції подій культурно-історичної ретроспективи. Наукова новизна. Джерелознавчою базою даного дослідження є архівні неопубліковані, таємні компартійні матеріали, а також періодичні видання комуністичної та національно-демократичної преси, опубліковані вперше. Висновки. У процесі національно-демократичного відродження українських земель періоду перебудови неформальні товариства культури посідали значне місце. У їх просвітницькій діяльності була добре помітною антикомуністична складова, яка уможливила регенерацію національного самоусвідомлення патріотично налаштованого населення та подальші антирадянські політичні трансформації краю. Ці фактори не в останню чергу спричинилися до відновлення державної самостійності України 1991 року.

The aim of the study. Scientific research traces the genesis of amateur cultural unions of the Ukrainian SSR Volyn region during 1988–1991 against the background of the festival movement. During this period, in the environment of democratization reforms of perestroika, amateur artistic groups were formed, which subsequently became politicized and replenished Ukrainian anti-communist parties and public associations. It's activities has not yet been sufficiently studied in such an important aspect of restoration in Ukraine state independence, as the initial processes of the national culture revival at the stage of perestroika. Therefore, the purpose of a scientific article is on the background of the festival movement birth to explore the chronicle of the informal environment transformation of the Volyn region in the anti-communist liberation struggle. Such communities included educational, ethnographic, vocal, choreographic, theatrical and stage groups, which were formed as informal, consequently they were not controlled by the communist government. It has intensified the national renaissance, one of the manifestations of which was the emergence of a large number of festivals, although latent, but positioned itself as anti-Soviet. Its number significantly grew up in 1988, which was the result of the XIX All-Union Party Conference, which initiated a political reform in the USSR and made possible the country democratic innovations in the cultural environment. Participation in festivals often took amateur performers, who were not members of the Soviet unions culture, and therefore went beyond the official doctrine of the communist art development. Therefore, the development of the festival movement in the rift of national revival in many respects allowed the regeneration of the region in habitants patriotic self-awareness. Understanding that non-formals went beyond socialist realism, and thus were oppositional, the local communist government favored them only formally. In fact, the party structures obstructed and tried to subordinate amateur unions and put it on the communist side. However, the rapid deployment of the national liberation movement in the West Ukrainian lands not only consolidated informal organizations, but also politicized it transforming it into the Ukraine's sovereignty restoration supporters. Methodology. The method of scientific work is a problem-chronological method, which is a determinative in the process of historical retrospective events reconstruction. Scientific novelty. The source of this study has been archived unpublished, secret Communist Party materials, as well as periodicals of the communist and national-democratic press. Conclusions. In the process of Ukrainian land's national-democratic revival of the perestroika period informal cultural societies occupied a significant place. In its educational activities anticommunist component was well visible, which enabled the regeneration of patriotic population's national self-awareness and further anti-Soviet political transformations of the region. These factors contributed to the restoration of Ukraine's state independence in 1991. ; Научная статья прослеживает развитие самодеятельных объединений культуры Волынской области УССР в 1988–1991 гг. на фоне фестивального движения. В этот период в среде демократических преобразований перестройки возникли самодеятельные культурные сообщества, которые со временем политизировались и пополнили украинские антикоммунистические партии и общественные организации. Их деятельность еще недостаточно изучена в таком важном аспекте возобновления украинской государственности, как начальные процессы возрождения ее национальной культуры на этапе перестройки. Цель исследования – проследить хронику перерастания неформальной среды Волынской области в антикоммунистическое освободительное движение на фоне зарождения фестивального движения. В число таких сообществ входили просветительские, краеведческие, вокальные, хореографические, театральные и эстрадные коллективы, которые сформировались как неформальные, то есть не были подконтрольными коммунистической власти. Они, не в последнюю очередь, активизировали национальный ренессанс, одним из проявлений которого было возникновение множества фестивалей, которые, хотя и скрыто, но позиционировали себя как антисоветские. Их количество заметно увеличивается в 1988 г., что было следствием ХІХ Всесоюзной партийной конференции. Она инициировала политическую реформу в СССР, а поэтому сделала возможными демократические реформы в культурной среде страны. Участие в этих фестивалях нередко принимали самодеятельные исполнители, которые не были членами советских творческих союзов, а поэтому выходили за рамки официальной доктрины развития коммунистического искусства. Как следствие, развитие фестивального движения в контексте национального возрождения во многом сделало возможной регенерацию патриотического самосознания жителей региона. Понимая, что неформалы выходят за рамки социалистического реализма, а потому являются оппозиционными, коммунистическая власть воспринимала их благосклонно только формально. На самом деле партийные структуры препятствовали, пытались подчинить неформалов и направить их в коммунистическое русло. Но стремительное развитие национально-освободительного движения на западноукраинских землях не только консолидировало неформальные организации, а и политизировало их, трансформируя в сторонников возобновления государственной независимости Украины. Методология. Методологическим инструментарием научной статьи является проблемно-хронологический метод как основной в процессе реконструкции событий культурно-исторической ретроспективы. Научная новизна. Источниковедческой базой предлагаемого исследования являются неопубликованные архивные материалы, секретные компартийные документы и периодические издания коммунистической и национально-демократической прессы. Выводы. В процессе национально-демократического возрождения украинских земель периода перестройки неформальные сообщества культуры занимали значительное место. В их просветительской деятельности хорошо просматривалась антикоммунистическая составляющая, которая не в последнюю очередь сделала возможной регенерацию национального сознания и последующие политические трансформации в Волынской области. Эти факторы во многом способствовали возобновлению украинской государственности в 1991 году. ; Наукова розвідка простежує ґенезу самодіяльних спілок культури Волинської області УРСР у 1988–1991 рр. на тлі розгортання фестивального руху. У цей період у середовищі демократизаційних реформувань перебудови утворилися самодіяльні мистецькі колективи, які згодом політизувалися й поповнили українські антикомуністичні партії та громадські об'єднання. Їх діяльність ще недостатньо вивчена у такому аспекті відновлення державної самостійності України, як початкові процеси відродження її національної культури на етапі перебудови. Мета дослідження – простежити хроніку переростання неформального середовища Волинської області на антикомуністичний визвольний розвій на фоні зародження фестивального руху. До зазначених товариств входили просвітницькі, краєзнавчі, вокальні, хореографічні, театральні та естрадні колективи, котрі сформувалися як неформальні, тобто були непідконтрольними комуністичній владі. Вони активізували національний ренесанс, одним із проявів якого було виникнення великої кількості фестивалів, що, хоча й латентно, але позиціонували себе як антирадянські. Кількість фестивалів значно зростає у 1988 р., що сталося внаслідок ХІХ Всесоюзної партійної конференції, яка започаткувала політичну реформу в СРСР й уможливила демократичні новації у культурному середовищі країни. До участі у фестивалях нерідко потрапляли самодіяльні виконавці, які не були членами радянських творчих спілок, а тому виходили за межі офіційної доктрини розвитку комуністичного мистецтва. Тому розвиток фестивального руху у річищі національного відродження багато у чому уможливив регенерацію патріотичного самоусвідомлення мешканців регіону. Розуміючи, що неформали виходять за рамки соціалістичного реалізму, а відтак є опозиційними, місцева комуністична влада ставилася до них сприятливо лише формально. Насправді партійні структури чинили перешкоди й намагалися підпорядкувати самодіяльні спілки та ввести їх у комуністичне русло. Однак стрімке розгортання національно-визвольного руху на західноукраїнських землях не тільки консолідувало неформальні організації, а й політизувало їх, трансформуючи у прихильників відновлення державної самостійності України. Методологія. Методологічним інструментарієм наукової роботи є проблемно-хронологічний метод як визначальний у процесі реконструкції подій культурно-історичної ретроспективи. Наукова новизна. Джерелознавчою базою даного дослідження є архівні неопубліковані, таємні компартійні матеріали, а також періодичні видання комуністичної та національно-демократичної преси, опубліковані вперше. Висновки. У процесі національно-демократичного відродження українських земель періоду перебудови неформальні товариства культури посідали значне місце. У їх просвітницькій діяльності була добре помітною антикомуністична складова, яка уможливила регенерацію національного самоусвідомлення патріотично налаштованого населення та подальші антирадянські політичні трансформації краю. Ці фактори не в останню чергу спричинилися до відновлення державної самостійності України 1991 року.

This dissertation engages in a critical reading of Rolando Hinojosa's early fiction in Estampas del Valle as an example of a unique border literature that highlights the multiplicity of elements that exist along the Rio Grande. By using the work of an author that has direct experience with life along the U.S.-Mexico border the aim of this study is to look at how the border region and its cultural and spatial manifestations impact on writings concerned with memory, the personal and the self. Authors such as Rolando Hinojosa live within the blessing and terrors of multiplicity; a culture that splinters and fragments into multiple perspectives, identities, voices and discourses. This analysis attempts to locate the place of the border and its people as a vital locus of enunciation in contemporary cultural and literary studies and simultaneously show how Hinojosa forged new ground in this literary publication by creating an idiosyncratic form of fragmentary writing. The unifying elements which render Hinojosa's Estampas del Valle as a novel are a particular historical period, a geographical stage, and the collective characterization of a distinct brand of Mexicans: the gente del Valle de Rio Grande.This work also examines the way in which this regional border area covering South Texas and Northern Mexico shapes his writing. My focus on Estampas del Valle, is to demonstrate the importance of this work as an individual novel, standing on its own, apart from the Klail City Death Trip Series. Estampas del Valle has been overlooked and overshadowed by the large composition of work that has become the Klail City Death Trip Series for which Hinojosa claims international recognition as a Mexican-American writer. Returning to his early writing we will explore elements of an ingrained multifarious border identity and how his early work is representative of his close ties to Mexico, Mexican literature and other Latin American forms of writing. In this study I will analyze how Hinojosa incorporates Mexican cultural and historical elements covering an array of topics from religious folk tales to the Mexican Revolution along the Rio Grande border. My aim is to provide the reader with the sense that although Hinojosa's identity and writing are dialogic, he does not choose to be Mexican or American, but internally lives his Rio Grande Valley identity. This identity consists of a border culture with close cultural and linguistic ties to northern Mexico.Hispanic theoreticians and literary critics of the border like Héctor Calderón and José David Saldívar have reconfigured previous conceptualizations of the borderlands by discovering in the fluid hybridity characteristic of border population and culture an archetype with which to interpret America and even the world. Using space as a constant metaphor and agency for his writing, Rolando Hinojosa constructs an original framework for the Mexican American novel within the perspective of American regionalism and within the Mexican norteño space and imaginary. Rolando Hinojosa, who won the Quinto Sol Prize in 1972 was representative of the Quinto Sol writers who often rejected Anglo-American literary models and instead did what writers of Mexican heritage in the Southwest had done traditionally: they turned southward and did their literary apprenticeships in the works of authors such as Rulfo, Borges, and García-Márquez. In "The Evolution of Chicano Literature", Raymond Paredes writes that the new school of Chicano writers not only reaffirmed its cultural ties to the cultures of contemporary Mexico and Latin America but also rediscovered, as Mexican artists had earlier in the century, their aboriginal heritage. Just as literary and cultural critics have raised the issues of multiculturalism and identity politics, these minority writers have embraced the perplexing question of identity - of how group identities contribute to the self an essential quality, a crucial part of self-definition. Rolando Hinojosa tells the history of a community intermingled with his own.In Estampas del Valle, Rolando Hinojosa confirms that the wall or border is not the impenetrable ring of protection that creates a metaphysics of the pure, but a site of a constant crossing, of conjunction and disjunction. The threshold of unpredictable dynamics, as actual crossings collide with maps as spatial and national demarcations, demarcation becomes, in Hinojosa's work, part of a dialectics, not of confrontation, but of interaction. The crossing of one culture to another, of one language to the other and of one way of living to the next, is only possible if the boundary ceases to be so and behaves more like a permeable membrane in a living organism such as the Rio Grande Valley Border that Hinojosa highlights in this oeuvre. My analysis considers contacts and crossings across the lines and within the lines as crucial sites to investigate and generate identities and the different manners of living and leaving, of rooting and routing. As a site of representation, the Rio Grande Valley is a palimpsest of routes, histories, and images distinctly traced in Hinojosa's novel. Finally, there is the basic principle: that for many Chicanos, the political boundary between the United States and Mexico has no real significance, that it is an impertinence arbitrarily separating people of a common cultural heritage. The point is simply that the Chicano in no sense lives in isolation; culturally and physically, he receives constant reinforcement from Mexico. In this dissertation I will show how Hinojosa has mastered the vernacular of the people of the lower Rio Grande Valley that his text sounds like a metrical litany of colloquial expressions and local oral traditions. In this respect, it is not significant whether a sketch is rendered as monologue or dialogue. That Hinojosa has a keen and sensitive ear for the cadences of spoken language is illustrated by the fact that the majority of selections are recorded in the first person. But the fact is that even those selections recounted by nameless narrators share this remarkable oral quality. Once more, the importance of this study lies in calling attention to Hinojosa's earliest novel, Estampas del Valley and its contributions to border literature simultaneously breaking away from concepts that generalize border crossings. Significantly, Hinojosa demonstrates how, border location, specifically the Rio Grande Valley, becomes an intimate feature of identity and thus of the similitude between and among neighboring things; for, as Foucault explains in The Order of Things, "their edges touch, their fringes intermingle, the extremity of the one also denotes the beginning of the other. In this way, movement, influences, passions, and properties too, are communicated. So that in this hinge between two things a resemblance appears" (Foucault, 106). Estampas del Valle, Hinojosa proves, is a prime example of this composite multifaceted resemblance along the border's physical national boundaries. In addition to what has already been mentioned, my dissertation aims to examine the multiple voices and identities of the Rio Grande Valley in Estampas del Valle and their direct relationship to Mexican history, culture and heritage. The author's linguistic and literary techniques function to give this work a social realism in order to attack the political, social and economic problems of the Chicano on the border.

Peripheralisation is a process to which a person, a group or an area might be subjected to. Stigmatisation, selective migration, disconnection, dependence and social exclusion are dimensions of peripheralisation that are interconnected and that accelerate each other's effects. Structurally disadvantaged rural areas, especially remote small villages in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are particularly affected by the processes of peripheralisation. While economic decline and ethnic exclusion produced contagious "ghettoes" (Virág 2010) or "internal colonies" (Kóczé 2011) in the last two decades in structurally disadvantaged small villages of Hungary, in the German context the phenomenon of a "rural ghetto" seems to be non-existent. In Germany, mainly East German old industrial towns and rural areas are affected by peripheralisation, selective out-migration, demographic shrinking and demographisation are emphasised here. Ethnographic research in the case study villages of Eastern Germany and Hungary confirmed that peripheralisation is relational and amongst others national and regional social policies influence how it manifests on the local level. While areas undergoing moderate peripheralisation were able to attract counter-cultural migrants ("back-to-the-landers", Calvário and Otero 2015), who further counteracted peripheralisation processes, socially excluded people (Roma and long-term unemployed) accumulated in areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation. While counter-cultural migrants (case study G1 and H3), who follow a critique of materialist mainstream culture, modern farming practices, and the globalization of the agri-food systems, were free to decide where to live, the inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation (H2) got locked into spaces which are abandoned by the state, investors and the majority society (non-Roma people). As class, gender, ethnicity and place of residence influences autonomy, the individual and collective autonomy of the counter-cultural migrants is on a higher level than the autonomy of the inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation. As local initiatives (social and solidarity economy initiatives or rural social enterprises) are created to counteract processes of peripheralisation, the central question of this research is: In the context of peripheralisation how can social and solidarity economy initiatives contribute to local development? To explore in what ways rural social enterprises may (or may not) counteract processes of peripheralisation this study relies on a critical realist ethnography (with participant observation, in-depth interviews and documentary analysis) and on a normative approach of local development, integrating economic, social, and environmental aspects too. ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS In line with the relational approach to individual autonomy (Mackenzie 2014), a normative assumption of social enterprise scholars is that even if social enterprises receive state funding or money from private foundations or churches, they should be able to preserve their organisational autonomy. However, it should be pointed out that existing institutional contexts influence the political and organisational independence of social and solidarity economy (SSE) initiatives. Even if the reunification of Germany resulted in the assimilation of many East German institutions into West German ones, compared to Hungary, East Germany got integrated into a country with a thick institutional system for welfare provision and in which state-civil society relationships are rather characterised by partnership than state control. The current Hungarian government shows authoritarian tendencies, when it limits funding sources for civilian-based initiatives. Such a context, leads to municipality-based and faith-based social enterprises to blossom over civilian-based ones. These organisations are embedded in centralised structures and they often envision development through patronising means and thus reproduce the marginality of the socially excluded (particularly Roma) within the local society. Beyond monetary resources, non-monetary resources, such as volunteers or strong communities with reciprocal behaviour are considered to be potential resources for social enterprises. However, this research showed that with intensifying peripheralisation (eg. the selective out-migration of better-off social strata) SSE initiatives can decreasingly rely on non-monetary resources locally. Even if capitalist integration of CEE influenced negatively village communities, the reciprocal structures still existed in a village undergoing a higher (but not advanced) level of peripheralisation (H3) when the Ministers moved there and started their faith-based social enterprise together with the locals. In contrast, when the colleagues of the Equality Foundation started their civilian-based social enterprise in a village undergoing advanced peripheralisation, structures of reciprocal relations no longer existed there (H2). People in this village had time, but had been experiencing socio-spatial marginalisation (educational and territorial segregation, lack of jobs locally, limited access to public transport and car) for such a long time that they did not have the actual capacity to initiate local development without assistance coming from outside the village. SOCIAL CONSIDERATIONS The potential of participative decision-making is recognised by social enterprise researchers as a vehicle to empower marginalised people. From the four case studies only two initiatives (H2, G1) aim explicitly to achieve participative decision-making. Within the two other projects decisions are made through representatives of the community. In the case of the municipality-based social enterprise (H1), dominantly one representative, the Mayor has the power to make decisions, while in the case of the faith-based social enterprise (H3) the community representative, the 8 Presbyters and the Minister (who are all male) have the institutionalised right to make decisions for the community. The two civilian-based social enterprises (G1 and H2) are embedded in differently peripheralised contexts. In the case of advanced peripheralisation (H2) help comes outside of the village, from a development organisation. Building up the capacities of the local stakeholders for participative decision-making is a long-term strategy for the Foundation, which explicitly focuses on the empowerment of Roma and women. In case of moderate peripheralisation (G1) local agents, amongst whom counter-cultural migrants are overrepresented, have a capacity to start their SSE initiatives without help coming from a development organisation. Even if inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation have an agency, they need professional assistance from outside. It is, however, of particular importance that the development organisation follows the philosophy of democratic solidarity and has a capability-based approach. Without such assistance it would be naïve to expect agents of severely peripheralised areas to set up and run SSE initiatives themselves. At the same time it would be also wrong to think that without local knowledge (for example the knowledge of surviving in conditions of deep poverty and lived experiences of institutional racism) "developers" could reach long lasting results. Among the four case studies, the empowerment capacity was the highest in the civilian-based social enterprise (belonging to the Equality Foundation). This was the only initiative that acknowledged the ethnicised (and gendered) structural oppression of Roma (women). In addition to aiming to increase the individual autonomy of their stakeholders (through supporting adult education or providing advices on how to deal with domestic abuse), the organisation also aims to develop the collective autonomy of the inhabitants of the village through their community development project. Without identifying themselves as a Roma feminist organisation, the Equality Foundation has consciously focused on women as partners of local development. The reasoning behind their decision is connected to the role women play in the social reproduction of their households. ENVIRONMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS There are life situations, when social needs get prioritised over environmental considerations. Deep poverty is one of those life situations. For example, the daily survival under conditions of housing poverty and extreme cold weather overwrites long-term strategies, such as environmentalism. Due to a lower purchasing power, poorer households have lower levels of consumption too. This, however, does not mean that underprivileged people would not aim to consume more. On the contrary, as our society is dominated by the ideology of capitalist consumerism, to counteract social exclusion consumerism is seen as a strategy towards social integration for people living in deep poverty. The comparison between a Hungarian village undergoing advanced peripheralisation (H2) and a German village undergoing moderate peripheralisation (G1) shows that only people with a higher level of individual autonomy are capable of "decolonizing their imaginary" (Latouche 2011), namely of questioning capitalist consumerism and develop ethical consumption practices.:Contents List of Abbreviations 11 Figures / Maps / Images 13 Tables 15 1 Introduction 17 1.1 AIMS AND MOTIVATION 17 1.2 THE RELEVANCE OF THE RESEARCH 20 1.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 21 2 Theorising peripheralisation and local development 23 2.1 PERIPHERALISATION, A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL, SELF-REINFORCING PROCESS 23 2.1.1 Dimensions of peripheralisation 23 2.1.2 Advanced peripheralisation 28 2.2 SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT 29 2.2.1 Economic dimension 30 2.2.2 Social dimension: autonomy and empowerment 31 2.2.3 Environmental dimension 36 2.3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS 38 3 Contexts: social and solidarity economy in the context of peripheralisation 41 3.1 PERIPHERALISATION 41 3.1.1 Post-socialist transformation, a historical overview of periheralisation 41 3.1.2 Multi-dimensional peripheralisation in East Germany and Hungary 44 3.1.3 The relational aspect of peripheralisation 48 3.1.4 Advanced peripheralisation, a Hungarian (semi-peripheral) reality 50 3.2 SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY IN CEE 51 3.2.1 Informal social and solidarity economy 52 3.2.2 Institutionalised social and solidarity economy 54 4 Methodology 59 4.1 TOWARDS A CRITICAL REALIST ETHNOGRAPHY 59 4.1.1 The scope of postmodern reflexive ethnography 60 4.1.2 Critical realism 61 4.1.3 Critical realist ethnography 62 4.2 CASE SELECTION AND COMPARATIVE PROCEEDING 63 Stage 1: Selecting areas undergoing peripheralisation 63 Stage 2: Identifying rural social enterprises 66 4.3 DATA COLLECTION 68 4.3.1 Interviews 69 4.3.2 Participant observation 72 4.3.3 Documents 76 4.4 POTENTIAL AND LIMITATIONS OF THE METHODOLOGY 77 4.4.1 Positivist critiques of the ethnographic approach 77 4.4.2 Anti-realist and postmodern critiques of ethnography 78 4.4.3 Critical realism and political engagement 79 4.4.4 Data analysis and reflections on the field experiences 81 5 Peripheralisation and the local scale 83 5.1 PERIPHERALISATION: THE LOCALITY AND THE CASE STUDY PROFILES 83 5.2 PERCEPTIONS AND RESPONSES TO PERIPHERIALITY IN DIFFERENT CONTEXTS 91 5.2.1 Surviving advanced peripheralisation 91 5.2.2 Uneven access to education 92 5.2.3 Counter-cultural migration 93 5.3 THE MAIN CHALLENGES AND MISSION OF THE CASE STUDY SOCIAL ENTERPRISES 95 6 The interplay between autonomy and local resource-mix strategies 99 6.1 ORGANISATIONAL AUTONOMY AND ACCESS TO FUNDING 99 6.2 MARKET-BASED RESOURCES: EARNED INCOME 102 6.3 NON-MARKET RESOURCES: GRANTS AND SUBSIDIES 106 6.3.1 International governmental funding 106 6.3.2 National governmental funding 114 6.3.3 Non-governmental funding 119 6.4 NON-MONETARY RESOURCES: THE CAPACITIES OF THE LOCAL COMMUNITY 120 7 Empowerment capacity of the case study initiatives 123 7.1 DECISION-MAKING STRUCTURES 123 7.1.1 Representative decision-making structures 124 7.1.2 Participative decision-making structures 127 7.2 EMPOWERMENT OF ROMA (WOMEN) 131 7.2.1 The empowerment capacity of rural social enterprises: a perspective of the Roma 132 7.2.2 A gendered aspect: the empowerment of Roma women 137 8 Environmental considerations 143 8.1 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS ON THE LOCAL LEVEL 143 8.2 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS ON THE ORGANISATIONAL LEVEL 145 9 Summary and conclusions 149 9.1 LIMITATIONS AND POTENTIALS OF THE METHODOLOGY 149 9.2 THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS: THE CAPACITY OF SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY IN COUNTERACTING PERIPHERALISATION 150 9.2.1 Economic considerations: autonomy and local resource-mix strategies 150 9.2.2 Social considerations: Autonomy and Empowerment 153 9.2.3 Environmental considerations: environmental consciousness and environmental impact 156 9.3 POLICY IMPLICATIONS FOR LOCAL DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL ECONOMY POLICIES 156 10 References 159 10.1 GENERAL WORKS 159 10.2 DATABASES, RELATED MATERIALS 172 10.3 MEDIA SOURCES 172 10.4 WEBPAGES 173 10.5 LEGAL REFERENCES 174 Annex 1 Expert sampling sheet (hu) 175 Annex 2 Information sheet (hu) 177 Annex 3 Information sheet (de) 179 Annex 4 Consent form (hu) 181 Annex 5 Consent form (de) 183 Annex 6 Expert interviews 185 Annex 7 Case study interviews 187 Annex 8 Participant observation 189 Annex 9 Anonymised data sources 193

Degeneration of the Homosexual Phantasm in Normalised Czechoslovak Cinema: from Václav Krška's The False Prince (1956) to Stanislav Strnad's The Bronze Boys (1980)AbstractThe author – inspired by the notion of "phantasm" as proposed by Maria Janion, and using the concepts of, among others, German Ritz (the poetics of inexpressible homosexual desire and "complex of corporality"), Marc Ferro (film as a symptom revealing the "hidden side" of power and society) and Michel Foucault ("arrangement of sexuality") – examines the attitude of Czechoslovak cinema towards male nudity and sexuality in a broader context of socio-political history and filmmaking in Czechoslovakia after the Second World War.An analysis, centred on two films: the Labakan (The False Prince) by Václav Krška (1956), and Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad (1980), is to comparatively examine how homosexual phantasms were sublimated and transferred to the screen in two historical moments – in the second half of the fifties, i.e. when the country was going out of the Stalinist and socialist realism period, and at the turn of the eighties, that is in the middle of the period of normalization and the regime of Gustáv Husák. The main purpose of the analysis is to examine a symptomatic change in quality – called by Szymański as "degeneration" – of the way in which homosexual imaginations were disclosed and functioned in films, that reflected their appropriation, "reorientation" and exploitation by the totalitarian authorities.In the rich literary, dramatic and film achievements of Krška we find many homosexual "hidden signals" as well as clear connotations and indications, expressing themselves in, among other things, spectacularization and erotization of the male body, a peculiar construct of protagonists-outsiders, questioning of gender stereotypes, stylisation modelled on antiquity, oriental or expressionistic one, etc. Special place in his creativity is occupied by the Czechoslovak-Bulgarian film super-production titled Labakan (The False Prince), in which the adaptation of the fairy tale about a tailor's apprentice who wanted to take the place of the vizier's son became for the director a vehicle for his personal, author's commentary. The homosexual (homotextual) character of Krška's film reveals itself in its transgressive plot open to a "double reading", in its specific pansexuality and the "complex of male corporality", governed by the logic of covetous look, and in the paracamp aesthetic associated today with queer style. In Szymański's opinion, the materialization of homosexual phantasms on the screen offered both for the author and the spectators an area of freedom and "artistry of life": on the one hand it offered them shelter and was an escape from the oppressive cultural reality, on the other – it was becoming the means to contest and the practice of resistance to the heteronormative and totalitarian world.Whereas a barracks-sports farce titled Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad belongs to a bigger group of films which in this popular form were taking up the subject of exceptional and unique on the world scale events – Czechoslovak Spartakiads, with their most spectacular part in the form of mass gymnastic compositions performed at the Strahov Stadium in Prague. The fictional history of soldiers, who – overcoming their limitations and reverses of fortune, were preparing a composition of artistic gymnastics for the Spartakiads, was combined with documental shots of the real performing sports compositions at the Strahov in 1980. It inscribes into the normalized film "formats", that is the tested and "patented" stylistic and genre formulas used by the authorities as "soft" means of propaganda and indoctrination. The way in which Strnad presents military and sport homosocial relations, together with a domination in the film of the element of masculinity and the specific "complex of male corporality", imply some special interrelation between the erotisation of the male body, ideological directives, and political needs. What is more, according to Szymański, they also indicate that the purpose of the communist authorities was not only the "standard" creation and propagation of "appropriate" models of "real" masculinity, but also such shaping of male corporality and eroticism that they would support the existing political order instead of subverting it, and replicate the normalized "arrangement of sexuality".In this context the author looks closely at the Spartakiada's mass gymnastic exercises demon-strated by male gymnasts, and especially at the hugely popular shows performed by almost fourteen thousand of half-naked soldiers, which were an unprecedented in the communist public space celebration of male physicality and sensuality, characterised by special idealisation and aestheticisation, outstanding choreography and spectacular figures of the performers, erotic dialectics of clothes and nudity, and the condensation of tension which was gradually and sophisticatedly built.In these shows, the instrumentalisation of gender and eroticism, characteristic of Spartiakiads in general, was followed by the instrumentalisation of codes of homosexual look and desire, neutralisation of inversive connotations – were harnessed for the use of normalization.Homosexual phantasms which in the time of Krška could have been a stimulant of personal expression and practice of opposition, and at least an internal shelter and refuge, twenty years later were appropriated, manipulated and instrumentalised by the communist authorities, becoming part of their system normalizing procedures, a tool for ordering or "arranging sexuality" in accordance with political lines, and an instrument of self-totalitaring and self-harnessing actions. Дегенерация гомосексуального фантазма в нормализованном чехословацком кинематографе. От «Лабакана» Вацлава Кршки (1956) до «Парней из бронзы» Станислава Стрнада (1980) Аннотация Вдохновившись понятием «фантазма» в понимании Марии Янион, а также пользуясь концепциями, между прочим, Германа Ритца (поэтика невысказанного гомосексуального влечения и «комплекс телесности»), Марка Ферро (фильм как симптом, раскрывающий «тайную сторону» власти и общества) и Мишеля Фуко («диспозитив сексуальности») автор исследует отношение чехословацкого кинематографа к мужской наготе и сексуальности в более широком контексте социально-политической истории, а также чехословацкого кинематографического производства после Второй мировой войны.Анализ, сосредоточен на двух лентах: «Лабакан» Вацлава Кршки (1956) и «Парни из бронзы» Станислава Стрнада (1980). Он должен послужить сравнительному исследованию того, как были сублимированы и перенесены на экран гомосексуальные фантазмы в двух исторических моментах – во второй половине 1950-х гг., т.е. в период выхода из сталинизма и соцреализма, а также на рубеже 1970-х и 1980-х гг., т.е. в середине эпохи нормализации и функционирования режима Густава Гусака. Главной целью исследования является прослеживание симптоматичного качественного преобразования того, каким образом раскрываются и функционируют в кино гомосексуальные изображения (в определении Шиманского «дегенерации»). что отражает их присвоение, «перенаправление» и использование тоталитарной властью.В богатом литературном, театральном и кинематографическом творчестве Кршки мы находим многочисленные «тайные сигналы», а также отчетливые гомоэротические коннотации и подтексты, проявлявшиеся, между прочим, в спектакуляризации и эротизации мужского тела, своеобразной конструкции героев-аутсайдеров, опровержении половых стереотипов, антикизирующей, ориентальной или экспрессионистской итп. стилизации. В его творчестве особое место занимает чехословацко-болгарская суперпродукция «Лабакан» – адаптация романтической сказки о портном-подмастерье, мечтавшем занять место сына визира, ставшая для режиссера средством личного, авторского высказывания. В трансгрессивной, фабуле с возможным «двойным прочтением», в специфическом пансексуализме и «комплексе мужской телесности», которым правит логика жаждущего взгляда, а также в паракэмповой эстетике, ассоциирующейся сегодня с квирной стилистикой, проявляется гомосексуальный (гомотекстуальный) характер произведения Кршки. Согласно Шиманскому, материализация гомосексуальных фантазмов на экране создавала (как для художника, так и для потребителей картины) пространство свободы и «артизма жизни». С одной стороны она дарила им убежище и была средством ухода от угнетающей культурной действительности, а с другой – превращалась в выражение протеста и практикой сопротивления гетеронормативному и тоталитарному миру. Казарменно-спортивный фарс «Парни из бронзы», в свою очередь, принадлежит к более обширной группе произведений, затрагивавших в популярном киножанре тему мероприятий, исключительных в мировом масштабе – чехословацких спартакиад. Их самой зрелищной частью были массовые гимнастические показы, организовавшиеся каждые 5 лет на пражском Страговском стадионе. История воинской части, солдаты которой, побеждая собственные слабости и превратности судьбы, подготавливают спартакиядную гимнастическую комбинацию, смонтирована с документальными съемками настоящих показов на Страгове в 1980 году. Она вписывается в кинематографические «форматы» периода нормализации, то есть проверенные и «запатентованные» стилистико-жанровые формулы, которыми власти пользовались для «мягкой» пропаганды и индоктринации. Способ презентации Стрнадом армейских и спортивных гомообщественных отношений, а также доминирующая в картине стихия мужественности и связанный с ней специфический «комплекс телесности», указывают на своеобразную связь эротизации мужского тела с идеологическими директивами и политическими потребностями. Более того, согласно Шиманскому, они свидетельствуют и о том, что целью коммунистических властей было не только «стандартное» формирование и распространение «правильных» эталонов «настоящей» мужественности, но и такая обработка мужской телесности и эротики, чтобы они, вместо субверсивно подрывать существующий порядок, поддерживали его и воспроизводили нормализованный «диспозитив сексуальности».В этом контексте автор внимательнее присматривается к спартакиадным выступлениямгимнастов, особенно к пользующимся огромным успехом показам, в которых участвовало почти 14 000 полуобнаженных солдат. Они были беспрецедентным в коммунистическом общественном пространстве чествованием мужских телесности и чувственности, отличавшимся и особенными идеализацией эстетизацией, интересными хореографическими решениями и позами упражняющихся, эротической диалектикой прикрытия и обнаженности, а также изощренным сгущением драматического накала. В этих зрелищах, вслед за инструментализацией гендера и эротики, характерной для спартакиад в целом, пошла и инструментализация кодов гомосексуального взгляда и влечения, а также свойственного им воображариума, которые – после замены знаков местами и нейтрализации инверсионных коннотаций – использовались нормализационным правительством.Гомосексуальные фантазмы во времена Кршки могли еще служить стимулом для личной экспрессии и практикой сопротивления, или, хотя бы, внутренним убежищем и уходом. Двадцать лет спустя они оказались присвоены, сманипулированы и инструментализированы властью, превратившись в часть ее системных нормализирующих процедур, орудие «диспозитива сексуальности», соответствующего политическим требованиям, а также инструмент самототализирующих и укрощающих действий.

Degeneration of the Homosexual Phantasm in Normalised Czechoslovak Cinema: from Václav Krška's The False Prince (1956) to Stanislav Strnad's The Bronze Boys (1980)AbstractThe author – inspired by the notion of "phantasm" as proposed by Maria Janion, and using the concepts of, among others, German Ritz (the poetics of inexpressible homosexual desire and "complex of corporality"), Marc Ferro (film as a symptom revealing the "hidden side" of power and society) and Michel Foucault ("arrangement of sexuality") – examines the attitude of Czechoslovak cinema towards male nudity and sexuality in a broader context of socio-political history and filmmaking in Czechoslovakia after the Second World War.An analysis, centred on two films: the Labakan (The False Prince) by Václav Krška (1956), and Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad (1980), is to comparatively examine how homosexual phantasms were sublimated and transferred to the screen in two historical moments – in the second half of the fifties, i.e. when the country was going out of the Stalinist and socialist realism period, and at the turn of the eighties, that is in the middle of the period of normalization and the regime of Gustáv Husák. The main purpose of the analysis is to examine a symptomatic change in quality – called by Szymański as "degeneration" – of the way in which homosexual imaginations were disclosed and functioned in films, that reflected their appropriation, "reorientation" and exploitation by the totalitarian authorities.In the rich literary, dramatic and film achievements of Krška we find many homosexual "hidden signals" as well as clear connotations and indications, expressing themselves in, among other things, spectacularization and erotization of the male body, a peculiar construct of protagonists-outsiders, questioning of gender stereotypes, stylisation modelled on antiquity, oriental or expressionistic one, etc. Special place in his creativity is occupied by the Czechoslovak-Bulgarian film super-production titled Labakan (The False Prince), in which the adaptation of the fairy tale about a tailor's apprentice who wanted to take the place of the vizier's son became for the director a vehicle for his personal, author's commentary. The homosexual (homotextual) character of Krška's film reveals itself in its transgressive plot open to a "double reading", in its specific pansexuality and the "complex of male corporality", governed by the logic of covetous look, and in the paracamp aesthetic associated today with queer style. In Szymański's opinion, the materialization of homosexual phantasms on the screen offered both for the author and the spectators an area of freedom and "artistry of life": on the one hand it offered them shelter and was an escape from the oppressive cultural reality, on the other – it was becoming the means to contest and the practice of resistance to the heteronormative and totalitarian world.Whereas a barracks-sports farce titled Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad belongs to a bigger group of films which in this popular form were taking up the subject of exceptional and unique on the world scale events – Czechoslovak Spartakiads, with their most spectacular part in the form of mass gymnastic compositions performed at the Strahov Stadium in Prague. The fictional history of soldiers, who – overcoming their limitations and reverses of fortune, were preparing a composition of artistic gymnastics for the Spartakiads, was combined with documental shots of the real performing sports compositions at the Strahov in 1980. It inscribes into the normalized film "formats", that is the tested and "patented" stylistic and genre formulas used by the authorities as "soft" means of propaganda and indoctrination. The way in which Strnad presents military and sport homosocial relations, together with a domination in the film of the element of masculinity and the specific "complex of male corporality", imply some special interrelation between the erotisation of the male body, ideological directives, and political needs. What is more, according to Szymański, they also indicate that the purpose of the communist authorities was not only the "standard" creation and propagation of "appropriate" models of "real" masculinity, but also such shaping of male corporality and eroticism that they would support the existing political order instead of subverting it, and replicate the normalized "arrangement of sexuality".In this context the author looks closely at the Spartakiada's mass gymnastic exercises demon-strated by male gymnasts, and especially at the hugely popular shows performed by almost fourteen thousand of half-naked soldiers, which were an unprecedented in the communist public space celebration of male physicality and sensuality, characterised by special idealisation and aestheticisation, outstanding choreography and spectacular figures of the performers, erotic dialectics of clothes and nudity, and the condensation of tension which was gradually and sophisticatedly built.In these shows, the instrumentalisation of gender and eroticism, characteristic of Spartiakiads in general, was followed by the instrumentalisation of codes of homosexual look and desire, neutralisation of inversive connotations – were harnessed for the use of normalization.Homosexual phantasms which in the time of Krška could have been a stimulant of personal expression and practice of opposition, and at least an internal shelter and refuge, twenty years later were appropriated, manipulated and instrumentalised by the communist authorities, becoming part of their system normalizing procedures, a tool for ordering or "arranging sexuality" in accordance with political lines, and an instrument of self-totalitaring and self-harnessing actions. Дегенерация гомосексуального фантазма в нормализованном чехословацком кинематографе. От «Лабакана» Вацлава Кршки (1956) до «Парней из бронзы» Станислава Стрнада (1980) Аннотация Вдохновившись понятием «фантазма» в понимании Марии Янион, а также пользуясь концепциями, между прочим, Германа Ритца (поэтика невысказанного гомосексуального влечения и «комплекс телесности»), Марка Ферро (фильм как симптом, раскрывающий «тайную сторону» власти и общества) и Мишеля Фуко («диспозитив сексуальности») автор исследует отношение чехословацкого кинематографа к мужской наготе и сексуальности в более широком контексте социально-политической истории, а также чехословацкого кинематографического производства после Второй мировой войны.Анализ, сосредоточен на двух лентах: «Лабакан» Вацлава Кршки (1956) и «Парни из бронзы» Станислава Стрнада (1980). Он должен послужить сравнительному исследованию того, как были сублимированы и перенесены на экран гомосексуальные фантазмы в двух исторических моментах – во второй половине 1950-х гг., т.е. в период выхода из сталинизма и соцреализма, а также на рубеже 1970-х и 1980-х гг., т.е. в середине эпохи нормализации и функционирования режима Густава Гусака. Главной целью исследования является прослеживание симптоматичного качественного преобразования того, каким образом раскрываются и функционируют в кино гомосексуальные изображения (в определении Шиманского «дегенерации»). что отражает их присвоение, «перенаправление» и использование тоталитарной властью.В богатом литературном, театральном и кинематографическом творчестве Кршки мы находим многочисленные «тайные сигналы», а также отчетливые гомоэротические коннотации и подтексты, проявлявшиеся, между прочим, в спектакуляризации и эротизации мужского тела, своеобразной конструкции героев-аутсайдеров, опровержении половых стереотипов, антикизирующей, ориентальной или экспрессионистской итп. стилизации. В его творчестве особое место занимает чехословацко-болгарская суперпродукция «Лабакан» – адаптация романтической сказки о портном-подмастерье, мечтавшем занять место сына визира, ставшая для режиссера средством личного, авторского высказывания. В трансгрессивной, фабуле с возможным «двойным прочтением», в специфическом пансексуализме и «комплексе мужской телесности», которым правит логика жаждущего взгляда, а также в паракэмповой эстетике, ассоциирующейся сегодня с квирной стилистикой, проявляется гомосексуальный (гомотекстуальный) характер произведения Кршки. Согласно Шиманскому, материализация гомосексуальных фантазмов на экране создавала (как для художника, так и для потребителей картины) пространство свободы и «артизма жизни». С одной стороны она дарила им убежище и была средством ухода от угнетающей культурной действительности, а с другой – превращалась в выражение протеста и практикой сопротивления гетеронормативному и тоталитарному миру. Казарменно-спортивный фарс «Парни из бронзы», в свою очередь, принадлежит к более обширной группе произведений, затрагивавших в популярном киножанре тему мероприятий, исключительных в мировом масштабе – чехословацких спартакиад. Их самой зрелищной частью были массовые гимнастические показы, организовавшиеся каждые 5 лет на пражском Страговском стадионе. История воинской части, солдаты которой, побеждая собственные слабости и превратности судьбы, подготавливают спартакиядную гимнастическую комбинацию, смонтирована с документальными съемками настоящих показов на Страгове в 1980 году. Она вписывается в кинематографические «форматы» периода нормализации, то есть проверенные и «запатентованные» стилистико-жанровые формулы, которыми власти пользовались для «мягкой» пропаганды и индоктринации. Способ презентации Стрнадом армейских и спортивных гомообщественных отношений, а также доминирующая в картине стихия мужественности и связанный с ней специфический «комплекс телесности», указывают на своеобразную связь эротизации мужского тела с идеологическими директивами и политическими потребностями. Более того, согласно Шиманскому, они свидетельствуют и о том, что целью коммунистических властей было не только «стандартное» формирование и распространение «правильных» эталонов «настоящей» мужественности, но и такая обработка мужской телесности и эротики, чтобы они, вместо субверсивно подрывать существующий порядок, поддерживали его и воспроизводили нормализованный «диспозитив сексуальности».В этом контексте автор внимательнее присматривается к спартакиадным выступлениямгимнастов, особенно к пользующимся огромным успехом показам, в которых участвовало почти 14 000 полуобнаженных солдат. Они были беспрецедентным в коммунистическом общественном пространстве чествованием мужских телесности и чувственности, отличавшимся и особенными идеализацией эстетизацией, интересными хореографическими решениями и позами упражняющихся, эротической диалектикой прикрытия и обнаженности, а также изощренным сгущением драматического накала. В этих зрелищах, вслед за инструментализацией гендера и эротики, характерной для спартакиад в целом, пошла и инструментализация кодов гомосексуального взгляда и влечения, а также свойственного им воображариума, которые – после замены знаков местами и нейтрализации инверсионных коннотаций – использовались нормализационным правительством.Гомосексуальные фантазмы во времена Кршки могли еще служить стимулом для личной экспрессии и практикой сопротивления, или, хотя бы, внутренним убежищем и уходом. Двадцать лет спустя они оказались присвоены, сманипулированы и инструментализированы властью, превратившись в часть ее системных нормализирующих процедур, орудие «диспозитива сексуальности», соответствующего политическим требованиям, а также инструмент самототализирующих и укрощающих действий.

"Self-preservation is the first duty of a nation"Alexander Hamilton "The whole point of the doomsday machineis lost if you keep it a secret!!"Dr. Strangelove VI) El Interés Nacional y las políticas de poder La mayoría de los teóricos han recurrido al interés nacional como concepto ordenador y exegético del accionar de los estados en el concierto internacional. Alexander Wendt (1999: 242) reconoce que nadie puede negar que los estados actúan sobre la base de intereses nacionales, tal como ellos los perciben y los definen. Toda teoría de relaciones internacionales o de política exterior articula su entendimiento del relacionamiento de los estados en el S.I en referencia, precisa o difusa, al interés nacional. El interés nacional, como concepto teórico, cumple dos funciones, una normativa y una descriptiva. El rol normativo intenta aportar, en última instancia, un estándar a partir del cual juzgar la conducta de los estados, basándose principalmente en consideraciones éticas. Este es precisamente uno de los principales puntos que los realistas, y en particular el principal teórico del interés nacional, H. Morgenthau, criticarán. La función descriptiva trata sobre el componente empírico (lo que los estados hacen) del interés nacional (Nincic, 1999: 30). En otras palabras, la concepción del interés nacional oscila entre lo que debería ser y lo que efectivamente es (o ¿cuál es la política exterior implementada que defiende el interés nacional?). Si bien existe un consenso sobre la idea del interés nacional como motor de la acción del estado, esta unanimidad no se aplica a la definición sustantiva del término (función normativa) ni tampoco, en cierta medida, a su rol descriptivo. Esto tiene importantes consecuencias en la elaboración y conducción de la política exterior. Efectivamente, la política exterior, de ser racional, debe estar en sintonía con la idea que nos hacemos del interés nacional. En otras palabras, la política exterior debe apuntar siempre a defender el interés nacional. Sin embargo, este aspecto, o sea la visión descriptiva de lo que es el interés nacional (o de las políticas implementadas en su defensa) no siempre encuentra unanimidad, incluso dentro de una misma escuela teórica. En este sentido, es interesante estudiar el debate entre H. Morgenthau y Henry Kissinger en torno a la guerra de Vietnam y en qué medida la intervención americana se justificaba en defensa del interés nacional. Si Morgenthau, el principal teórico realista en materia de interés nacional criticaba la intervención, H. Kissinger, el principal policy maker realista, pensaba todo lo contrario (Zimmer, 2011). La noción o idea de interés nacional puede, y de hecho representa y vehicula distintos significados y justificaciones (morales, económicas, de seguridad, políticas, etc.) de la acción de los estados. El interés nacional recorre el mismo camino difuso que nociones tales como Nación y Comunidad. Al debate histórico de qué o quién representa la Nación (Greenfield, 1999: 48-49), el interés nacional obliga a una reflexión sobre los objetivos nacionales así como sobre el propósito y razón de ser del estado (el encargado de perseguir el interés nacional). Los primeros en preocuparse por la noción de interés nacional fueron los teóricos realistas clásicos, como Tucídides, Hobbes o Rousseau. Más recientemente, una perspectiva liberal y luego una visión constructivista, aún más cercana en el tiempo, han atacado la concepción realista del interés nacional, quebrantando aún más la idea de una lectura unívoca y monolítica de este concepto (Battistela, 2002: 143). El tratamiento que los realistas han dado al interés nacional, y en particular Morgenthau, ha sido fuertemente criticado por otras escuelas teóricas, particularmente los liberales y los constructivistas, pero igualmente los behavioristas. Estos últimos ven en la noción de interés nacional un concepto a nula operacionalización científica, incapaz de explicar el accionar y la continuidad de la política exterior de los estados. El interés nacional es, para los behavioristas, lo que la nación, y más precisamente el decisor en política exterior, decide que sea (Rosenau, 1968). El enfoque realista del interés nacional funcionaría más sobre la base de un axioma o suposición filosófica que a partir de un postulado científicamente verificable. En efecto, el realismo clásico asume que el mundo es y actúa de una determinada manera, y el interés nacional no es más que el accionar racional del estado en un contexto que no domina completamente (el control que el estado tenga en la escena internacional dependerá en gran parte del poder almacenado). Hobbes es uno de los primeros en articular la noción de interés nacional indisociablemente ligado a una visión de la seguridad del estado. La paz de Westfalia en 1648 representa el triunfo de la visión Hobbesiana, con la consolidación del estado como la unidad territorial de referencia (paradigma de la soberanía) así como con la creciente rivalidad entre los estados poderosos (Badie, 2001: 254). La concepción realista del interés nacional se desprende de dos de las premisas importante ya mencionadas del realismo: la naturaleza anárquica del sistema internacional y la relación conflictiva entre estados en el marco de dicho sistema. Por lo tanto, si el estado de anarquía conduce a la inseguridad general, el principal cometido del estado, entendido en términos de interés nacional, debe ser el de asegurar su seguridad. ¿Qué se entiende entonces por seguridad y cuáles son las cuestiones incompresibles que el estado no puede abandonar?. Los realistas definen estas cuestiones de manera relativamente vaga, pero es innegable la centralidad de las ideas de integridad territorial, independencia política e identidad cultural. ¿Cómo se alcanza, defiende o preserva el interés nacional? Principalmente a través del uso o la amenaza de la fuerza. Por lo tanto, para los realistas, el interés nacional se traduce casi exclusivamente en términos de poder (principalmente militar, aunque no exclusivamente), ya que la fuerza sería, en un contexto de anarquía y de conflicto, la única manera de disuadir o alcanzar los interéses de un estado. Hans Morgenthau (1961:5) así lo expone: "the main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power". Para los realistas, el interés nacional ha sido inmutable a lo largo de la historia y, producto de la naturaleza del sistema internacional (anarquía), de la naturaleza humana (para los realistas clásicos), y de la estructura (para los neorrealistas), destinado a permanecer así. Este es uno de los principales puntos de crítica de los liberales y en particular de los constructivistas, quienes avanzan que la difusión de valores, normas y códigos compartidos en el seno de la comunidad internacional han contribuido a modificar el comportamiento de los estados. En este punto, los realistas se encuentran en las antípodas del pensamiento liberal. El poder es, para los realistas, casi exclusivamente el único criterio que debe determinar la política exterior. Cualquier otro principio, en particular aquellos de orden moral, estarán subordinados a la búsqueda, preservación y fortalecimiento del poder (Tucker, 1952: 215). Para Morgenthau, la escena internacional se articula sobre la búsqueda de poder contra poder y no, como a menudo se ha instrumentalizado el conflicto, entre dos visiones del bien y el mal, de virtud o de vicio, de moralidad o inmoralidad. La descripción de interés nacional y poder que hace Morgenthau ha conducido a dos interpretaciones distintas de la noción de poder (Williams, 2004: 639-640). La primera reduce el realismo a una suerte de materialismo, donde el poder y el interés es definido en términos principalmente militares (el propio Morgenthau criticará está visión simplificadora). El segundo enfoque sería instrumentalista: si el poder es un medio necesario para alcanzar los intereses, entonces se transforma en un fin en sí. La búsqueda de poder, para los realistas, es entonces a la vez un fin y un medio para dicho fin ¿Por qué? Porque el mundo es anárquico debido a que los hombres buscan el poder (naturaleza humana o, como diría Morgenthau, un impulso bio-social) y al mismo tiempo deben buscar el poder justamente para protegerse de ese impulso natural. Por lo tanto, la búsqueda de poder como medio para un fin depende de la naturaleza del sistema (anarquía) mientras que la búsqueda del poder como un fin en sí debe encontrarse en las necesidades manifiestas de los miembros del sistema (Nincic, 1999:33). Se ha argumentado largamente que la naturaleza tautológica de esta definición (los estados buscan el poder porque están ontológicamente predeterminados a hacerlo), así como el supuesto inicial de que la búsqueda de poder es una necesidad primaria del ser humano, debilitan la posición realista y restan fuerza a sus postulados centrales. El interés nacional, bajo la óptica realista, es entonces por naturaleza egoísta y superior a los intereses privados sub-nacionales (Battistela, 2002: 145). Es egoísta porque los estados se encuentran en un sistema de self-help y de suma cero, donde las ganancias de un estado representan la pérdida de otro. Asimismo, los realistas defienden la idea del interés Nacional y no, como lo hacen los liberales, la idea que los estados pueden compartir intereses comunes (vitales) en el seno de una comunidad internacional. El interés nacional entendido en términos de seguridad es la matriz irreductible sobre la cual se sustenta todo proyecto de construcción nacional o comunitaria y no puede ser, por definición, compartido en el seno de una comunidad inter-nacional, inter-comunitaria o inter-estatal. Ya lo decía Morgenthau cuando criticaba la visión moral y cooperativa propuesta por el idealismo de W. Wilson: "It therefore follows that, despite the profound changes which have occurred in the world, it still remains true, as it has always been true, that a nation confronted with the hostile aspirations of other nations has one prime obligation – to take care of its own interests. The moral justification for this prime duty of all nations- for it is not only a moral right but also a moral obligation- arises from the fact that if this particular nation does not take care of its interests, nobody else will" (Morgenthau, 1952: 4). El interés nacional es igualmente superior a los intereses individuales o privados, porque sólo en la salvaguardia de la seguridad del estado, los demás intereses pueden ser perseguidos. Por lo tanto, como decía Raymond Aron (1984: 101), el interés nacional es irreductible a los intereses privados. Frente a la rigidez del concepto de interés nacional defendido por los realistas, los liberales han aportado una perspectiva diferente, planteando que el interés nacional es lo que una nación decide que sea. Este no se limita a cuestiones de seguridad, pero puede englobar igualmente intereses materiales o espirituales. El estado es, para los liberales, el encargado de llevar adelante los intereses individuales de la sociedad y no, como para los realistas, una entidad independiente con agenda propia. Para los liberales, el interés nacional está determinado por los valores internos de una sociedad, y no por las limitantes externas presentes en el sistema internacional (anarquía, estructura, relación de fuerzas, etc.). ¿Cómo se define entonces el interés nacional para los liberales? Principalmente a través de la negociación y la adopción de los intereses "mayoritarios". Los enfoques constructivistas, particularmente fecundos luego de la guerra fría, rechazan la idea de inmutabilidad presente en el realismo (critican la incapacidad de los realistas, clásicos o estructurales, para pensar el cambio). Si es cierto que los constructivistas comparten con los liberales la idea que el interés nacional no está predeterminado por condiciones "fijas" , ellos consideran, sin embargo, que los intereses se definen sobre la base de la identidad y las representaciones que los estados se hacen de ellos mismos, de los otros estados, del sistema internacional y del lugar que ocupan en él (y no, como en el liberalismo, a través de un proceso de negociación interna). Asimismo, el accionar de los estados, y sus intereses, se ven condicionados por el conjunto de normas y valores que, compartidas en un marco internacional, regulan y estructuran la vida política internacional. Para los constructivistas, todos los conceptos están sujetos a interpretaciones y sentidos cambiantes. Así, un concepto central como el de anarquía en el realismo puede ser comprendido bajo diferentes enfoques. Cuando los estados se consideran como enemigos en el plano internacional, podemos hablar de una anarquía hobbesiana. En el caso de estados que se consideran como rivales, se trataría de una anarquía lockiana. Por último, cuando los estados se ven como amigos, estaríamos en presencia de una anarquía kantiana. Sólo en el primer caso, central al realismo, el interés nacional puede ser definido en términos de seguridad y supervivencia. Como hemos visto, los autores neorrealistas focalizan su estudio en la interacción de los grandes poderes y en la polaridad del sistema internacional como factores explicativos de la ocurrencia de conflictos o guerras. Los neorrealistas, sin embargo, no parecen concernidos por las cuestiones relativas al cambio ni a la evolución del poder en el sistema internacional. Los realistas no se preguntan de dónde viene el poder, ni como los estados son capaces de emerger, consolidarse y descomponerse. Para ellos, tanto los actores como la estructura del sistema son variables consideradas como dadas o variables independientes. La única variable dependiente, o sea, el único proceso que los neorrealistas intentan explicar, es la guerra (Kratochwil, 1993). El foco del neorrealismo ha sido el de intentar explicar la fase de consolidación del poder en el sistema internacional en un reducido número de grandes potencias y como este sistema ha logrado evitar la unipolaridad (Cederman, 1994: 504). Entre las principales críticas que pueden hacerse a la noción del interés nacional defendida por los realistas, es posible citar la obsesión realista con las políticas de poder y el recurso sistemático y axiomático a la idea de anarquía. El primer punto refiere a que muchos estados pequeños o medianos no determinan ni implementan su política exterior en términos de poder ni, generalmente, tienen preocupaciones relacionadas a la seguridad. Inclusive las grandes potencias por momentos se apartan igualmente de esta lógica (como en el caso estadounidense bajo las presidencias de W. Wilson y J. Carter). Igualmente, ciertos teóricos realistas a menudo obvian que el concepto de poder es relativo al tipo de asunto en cuestión. El poder militar, o el poder económico, sólo son útiles en determinadas circunstancias. Es indudable que el poderío económico de Japón hace de este país una potencia capaz de influenciar el comportamiento de otros estados y eso, a pesar de no contar con un poderío militar importante. Los defensores de las políticas de poder argumentarán que la posición privilegiada de Japón en el comercio mundial es únicamente posible gracias al respaldo militar que su alianza con los Estados Unidos le otorga. No sólo esta apreciación niega de manera burda la dimensión económica presente en el sistema internacional, sino que condicionaría todo desarrollo posible a la expansión del poderío económico o a la concertación de alianzas defensivas. ¿Cómo explicar entonces los niveles de desarrollo de países como Suiza o Luxemburgo?. En segundo lugar, el concepto de anarquía derivado del estado de naturaleza Hobbesiano y que ha estructurado y condicionado el pensamiento realista, no es un absoluto empíricamente comprobable. Diferentes mecanismos de cooperación, coordinación y reciprocidad son posibles en un universo donde priman los actores egotistas (Nincic, 1999: 34-36). La respuesta a estas críticas, principalmente por parte de los neorrealistas, ha sido de argumentar que, si bien todos los estados son iguales, sólo cuentan en términos de poder y de estructura los grandes y poderosos. Para Waltz (1979:94), la estructura del sistema internacional (polaridad) y la naturaleza de éste (anarquía) dependen del número de grandes actores y la distribución de fuerzas entre estos. Si bien esta argumentación responde parcialmente a la segunda crítica, no así a la primera. Podemos mencionar igualmente que en la actualidad el concepto de Estado-Nación como unidad central de análisis del sistema internacional ha sido parcialmente puesto en jaque por los postulados liberales o constructivistas. Si, efectivamente, el Estado Nación no es más la única unidad de referencia, de subordinación o de pertenencia del individuo moderno, el postulado realista del estado unitario se resquebraja. En este sentido, resulta difícil justificar la idea del interés nacional en términos de defensa de la independencia política o cultural, ya que estas nociones tendrían crecientemente menos importancia para los individuos. Resulta imposible desprenderse de la idea que la concepción del mundo propuesta por los realistas es profundamente pesimista e impregnada de una desconfianza generalizada acerca la naturaleza humana (en el caso de los realistas clásicos) y que, gran parte de los supuestos realistas se sustentan en un "worst case scenario". En palabras de Wittner (1985:285): "Admittedly, people sometimes fail to live up to the level of cooperation and moral development encouraged by civilization, but most of the time, they do. Realism focuses upon the exception and turns it into the rule. Indeed, it transforms that exception into a normative principle of international behavior!". Los realistas responderán seguramente que el interés nacional último es el de defender la supervivencia e integridad física del estado y de sus ciudadanos y, ciertamente, en un mundo donde la amenaza del uso de las armas nucleares representa inequívocamente el fin absoluto, la posición realista no deja de presentar una argumentación válida (la ausencia de conflicto atómico en los últimos 60 años ahonda precisamente en el sentido del balance de poder defendido por los neorrealistas). El peor escenario posible, en un mundo nuclear, es efectivamente lo suficientemente aterrador para justificar el pesimismo realista. Los realistas no dicen que la guerra sea inevitable, la mayoría de sus teóricos han intentando buscar las causas de la guerra, sin por lo tanto entrar en consideraciones morales sobre el bien fundado de la acción de los estados. Al explicar como el mundo es, y no cómo debería ser, los realistas se despojan de consideraciones filosóficas que apartan al estadista de su verdadero objetivo: preservar la seguridad del estado. Es en este sentido que uno de los primeros realistas, Maquiavelo, consideraba que existen dos éticas diferentes. La primera, relativa a la salvación individual, debía ser regulada por las consideraciones morales y religiosas; y la segunda, en claro contraste con la primera, es la ética de la responsabilidad que tienen los gobernantes, obligados a llevar adelante ciertas acciones consideradas como "inmorales" en defensa del interés nacional (Viotti y Kauppi, 1993: 38). *Este artículo fue presentado en la 9° sesión el Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2013, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay. Sobre el autorGermán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza.

Released in 2014, Wolfenstein: The New Order (MachineGames 2014) was received favorably as a new studio's attempt at redefining the venerable "Wolfenstein" franchise, paying homage to its pivotal role in the birth of the FPS genre (Pinchbeck 2013, 9) while updating gameplay, production values, and sensibilities. Last year's sequel, Wolfenstein II: The New Colossus (MachineGames 2017), however, was met with an unexpected controversy. Alt-Right sympathizers attacked the game on social media (Maiberg 2017) and review-bombed it (Moseman 2017), outraged by its 'political correctness.' Publisher Bethesda foregrounded the games timeliness and topicality (Batchelor 2017), as did the press and independent developers alike (Gaynor 2018) in the context of increasing acceptance of Alt-Right demagogues by right wing mainstream politicians. The games press debated Wolfenstein II: The New Colossus with similar controversy. Seen sometimes as exemplary of what AAA games in 2017 should be doing (Francis 2017) and how they should be doing it (McKeand 2017), others felt that its impact was diminished by the uneven, often farcical tone (A. Robertson 2017) and its lack of realism (E. Smith 2017), while yet others considered its politics nothing more than a plot device (A. Robertson 2017). This presentation will demonstrate that even the appreciators of the game have largely ignored the aesthetic coherence that MachineGames strive for in their ambition to have gameplay and story "pull in the same direction at the same time" (Graft 2014). What appears to critics as flaws of the game that "hold Wolfenstein back from its potential status as the quintessential modern First-Person Shooter" (Brynard 2018) will be shown to be part of an intricate ludo-narrative balance. At the core of this aesthetic are the factors positively commented upon by critics: the diverse cast that is an important factor in what Dyer-Witheford and de Peuter call "games of multitude" (Dyer-Witheford and de Peuter 2009, 188); the archetypal division of roles between characters which as an ensemble "form what most would consider to be some of the key facets of humanity – for better or worse" (J. Robertson 2017); and insights into "the awful Nazi regime's twisted ideology, albeit through a lens of absurdity" (McKeand 2017). This last term, absurdity, is key, as it points toward a stylistic undercurrent also identified in reviews as "grotesque, cathartic, beautiful, horrible and shocking" (A. Smith 2017). Wolfenstein II: The New Colossus is more than "an exercise in deconstructing" (Evans-Thirlwell 2018) its characters and its generic roots. The argument presented here is that The New Colossus is a prototypical example for the use of the carnivalesque as a poetics of defamiliarization for AAA games (Majkowski 2014). What the game sets in scene is nothing less than the death and rebirth of FPS conventions, yet not in a self-serious and obvious grand gesture, but through a series of carnivalesque movements that highlight the ritualistic cycle of death and rebirth (Bakhtin 1984, 164) of genres as a defining constant of digital games (and culture at large). The narrative dimension and the ludic dimension work together in defamiliarizing the comfortable conventions of FPS in a unified carnivalesque aesthetic. The carnivalesque work of art is a liminal contribution to a ritualistic negotiation between parts of a culture. MachineGames take a position within the subculture of gamers, even more specifically, of Western European players and developers of FPS, reacting against the co-option of games by the Alt-Right and the #Gamergate movement – a connection suggested by the game entering production in the summer of 2014, the origin of the #Gamegate movement (Mortensen 2015). The presentation will show through exemplary sequences of the game in the light of Bakhtinian theory how Wolfenstein: The New Colossus reappropriates the surface-level traits of unreflected mainstream game design: a shooter with a white male protagonist killing hundreds of literally faceless enemies. Instead of flirting with ideas of white, male supremacy, the game continuously exposes nazi rhetoric (Casmir 1968) and central values of fascist and supremacist ideology like masculine virility (Spackman 1997) and deconstructs them. While player character B.J. Blazkowicz starts out in the first game as a perfect image of Aryan body ideals, he is on the brink of death throughout most of the second game, a derelict kept alive by machines. When he becomes able-bodied again, it is through grafting his head on a vat-grown Nazi supersoldier-body. His sexuality goes unmentioned after the body-graft, and his decisions are lead by the moral ideal of the dead leader of his resistance cell, Caroline Becker. The carnivalesque aesthetic is most pronounced in the final battle, when Blazkowicz is saved by his pregnant girlfriend Anya by not only single-handedly defeating half a dozen of high-level enemies, but also protecting him from an explosion with her body. Stripped of her burnt clothes, splattered in blood, her face a hollow-cheeked mask reminiscent of a skull, Anya straddles Blaskowicz in an imagery typical of carnivalesque ritual birth (Bakhtin 1984, 126). The gameplay mirror these aesthetic devices of the cut-scenes in exactly the points that critics sometimes perceived as flawed: the awkward stealth mechanics regularly force failure upon the player, evoking a sense of ineptness; putting the avatar in a wheelchair and lowering his maximum health value are constant mechanical reminders of the frailty of the human body; reducing the number of weapons over the previous game, yet allowing the fewer weapons to be freely combined in a procedural rhetoric that exchanges fascist ideals of purity and strength in numbers for strength through diversity. The presentation will primarily demonstrate how many overlooked layers of meaning are present in the careful construction of Wolfenstein II: The New Colossus, and how this contradictory complexity – from the subtitle's hidden allusion to the title or Emma Lazarus' sonnet engraved into the foundations of the statue of liberty, the source of the oft-quoted "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses" to the end credit's soundtrack of a cover version of Twisted Sister's "We're not gonna take it" – works together as a game specific, carnivalesque meaning-making.

In Places of Complicity, I consider how narratives of the past of two African places obscure, and sometimes explore, complicity. For primarily activist-intellectual publics, Thiaroye and District Six have been icons of "memory" of racist violence and resistant community. I argue that dominant discourses of memory that surround these two sites share a representational mode and perform analogous elisions of the past. They work primarily through a particularly mimetic form of realism, in which the contemporary subject is interpellated as a remembering subject, interpretation is coded as remembrance, and a representation of the past is conflated with the (remembered) past itself. That past is one of colonial and apartheid violence, and unified, resistant community. These memory discourses thus largely elide the non-dichotomous character of colonial and apartheid rule, with its many "complicit," intermediary positions. Widely varied intermediary positions were intrinsic to colonial and apartheid rule: among them were those of the civil servant, the native elite, the colonial soldier, the black French citizens of Senegal, and the quasi-citizens classified as "Coloured" by the apartheid state. Occupants of these positions were oppressed by that state, even as they occupied positions of privilege relative to others. The occupancy of these intermediary positions produces what I call "structural complicity" - a complicity defined by an intermediary location within a racialized political and economic structure. Thus, as I am employing the word, "complicity" is not a matter of individual agency; rather, it is produced by a particular position. Colonial and apartheid violence are most readily imagined as consisting of discreet acts of physical violation, committed by perpetrators upon victims. With the notion of "structural complicity," I want to direct attention towards structural violence, and the array of historical positions, many of them intermediary, upon which it depends. In doing so, I hope to provoke related questions of representation and interpretation: How do we write and read structural violence? How do we articulate and theorize the complicity of subjects who benefit from a system of which they are also victims? Structural complicity, while elided in many narratives of Thiaroye and District Six, was integral to the historical episodes that these narratives purport to remember. In the Thiaroye military camp, in 1944, French forces - West African colonial soldiers among them - massacred a still-unknown number of their own West African colonial soldiers. In South Africa, the apartheid government declared Cape Town's central District Six for white occupation in 1966. The District was razed and, over more than a decade, its approximately 60,000 residents, the majority of whom were classified as "Coloured," were forcibly removed to the periphery of the city. Despite the differences between these two histories, there are striking similarities in the ways that they have been narratively produced. Idioms of collective memory that surround both sites produce analogous visions of oppression and resistance, and elide structural complicity in similar ways. For their respective publics, District Six and Thiaroye have been sites that should be part of national memory, rather than sites already located securely within it. As symbols that are not fully national, and not always memorial, they allow us to think about the possibilities and limitations of multiple collective imaginaries and multiple modes of narrating the past, both beyond and within the national, and both within and outside of the idiom of memory.While all the narratives that I examine evoke memory, not all of them are articulated within the idiom of memory. The "idiom of memory," as I use the term, assumes the existence of collective memory and interpellates the contemporary subject – the reader, viewer, or visitor - as a remembering subject: she will "recall" a past that she has not experienced. In my analysis, the best-known narratives express themselves through the idiom of memory, and lesser-known texts narrate and evoke the past outside of that idiom. While the former produce Thiaroye and District Six as "sites of memory," the latter produce them as "places of complicity." A range of narratives, including literary texts and oral accounts, a film (Thiaroye), and a museum (District Six) have been generated around the two sites. The best-known accounts, such as Ousmane Sembène's film Camp de Thiaroye (1987) and Richard Rive's novel Buckingham Palace, District Six (1986), are articulated within the idiom of collective memory and recall a largely dichotomous past of white oppression and indigenous resistance, in which perpetrators and victims are clearly defined. The structural character of apartheid and colonial rule - with the many intermediary positions that it entailed - is therefore elided. Instead, a recalled historical family takes the place of a complex colonial/apartheid hierarchy. There is no violence within this imagined family; its hierarchical relationships signify care and protection and its sibling relationships of "brotherhood" join members together in horizontal bonds of solidarity. The identity of this family varies: the family of District Six may be black or Jewish or cosmopolitan, and the family of Thiaroye black and Pan-African, or Franco-African. Because they disavow the historical actors who occupied complicit positions, these accounts tend to "remember" only an unambiguously resistant and unified collectivity. A narrow conception of the historical "family" can produce an analogously narrow conception of the postcolonial nation: a homogenous heteronormative collective of resistant subjects. In the less well-known narratives of District Six and Thiaroye that I examine, such as Boubacar Boris Diop's Thiaroye terre rouge (1981) and Richard Rive's "Riva" (1983), the metaphor of collective memory is absent, or less powerful. These narratives are preoccupied with positions of historical complicity and they evoke complicity in moments of surreal proximity and oblique allusion. Family bonds also figure in these accounts, but they are suspect or marginal; the correctly raced heteronormative family may appear as a location of betrayal or as marginal to the central, queer, relationship. These texts draw our attention to the structural violence of colonial and apartheid rule and prompt questions about the violence of the past and its implication in the postcolonial and post-apartheid present.

In contrast to many of his contemporaries, A. J. Ayer was an analytic philosopher who had sustained throughout his career some interest in developments in the work of his 'continental' peers. Ayer, who spoke French, held friendships with some important Parisian intellectuals, such as Camus, Bataille, Wahl and Merleau-Ponty. This paper examines the circumstances of a meeting between Ayer, Merleau-Ponty, Wahl, Ambrosino and Bataille, which took place in 1951 at some Parisian bar. The question under discussion during this meeting was whether the sun existed before humans did, over which the various philosophers disagreed. This disagreement is tangled with a variety of issues, such as Ayer's critique of Heidegger and Sartre (inherited from Carnap), Ayer's response to Merleau-Ponty's critique of empiricism, and Bataille's response to Sartre's critique of his notion of 'unknowing', which uncannily resembles Ayer's critique of Sartre. Amidst this tangle one finds Bataille's statement that an 'abyss' separates English from French and German philosophy, the first recorded announcement of the analytic-continental divide in the twentieth century.ReferencesH. B. Acton. Philosophy in France. Philosophy, 22(82):161-166, 1947.http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0031819100025365A. J. Ayer & T. Honderich. An Interview with A. J. Ayer. In A. P. Griffiths, editor, A.J. Ayer Memorial Essays, pages 209-226. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991.A. J. Ayer. Language, Truth and Logic. London, Gollancz, 1936.A. J. Ayer. Novelist-Philosopher, Jean-Paul Sartre. Horizon, 12(67):12–26, & 12(68):101-110, 1945.A. J. Ayer. Novelist-Philosopher, Albert Camus. Horizon, 13(75):155-168, 1946a.A. J. Ayer. Secret Session. Polemic, 2:60-63, 1946b.A. J. Ayer. Some Aspects of Existentialism. In F. Watts, editor, H. B. Acton. Philosophy in France. Philosophy, 22(82):161-166, 1947.http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0031819100025365A. J. Ayer & T. Honderich. An Interview with A. J. Ayer. In A. P. Griffiths, editor, A.J. Ayer Memorial Essays, pages 209-226. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991.A. J. Ayer. Language, Truth and Logic. London, Gollancz, 1936.A. J. Ayer. Novelist-Philosopher, Jean-Paul Sartre. Horizon, 12(67):12–26, & 12(68):101-110, 1945.A. J. Ayer. Novelist-Philosopher, Albert Camus. Horizon, 13(75): 155-168, 1946a.A. J. Ayer. Secret Session. Polemic, 2:60-63, 1946b.A. J. Ayer. Some Aspects of Existentialism. In F. Watts, editor, The Rationalist Annual, pages 5-13. London, Watts & Co, 1948.A. J. Ayer. The Definition of Liberty: Jean-Paul Sartre's Doctrine of Commitment. The Listener, 44(1135):633-634, 1950.A. J. Ayer. Jean-Paul Sartre. Encounter, 15(4):75-77, 1961.A. J. Ayer. On Existentialism. Modern Languages, 48(1):1-12, 1967.A. J. Ayer. Sartre on the Jews. The Spectator, 211(7317):394-395, 1968.A. J. Ayer. Reflections on Existentialism. In Metaphysics and Common Sense, pages 203-218. London, Macmillan,1969.A. J. Ayer. Part of my Life: The Memoirs of a Philosopher. New York, Harcourt Brace Janovich, 1977.A. J. Ayer. Philosophy in the Twentieth Century. London, Unwinn, 1984.A. J. Ayer. A Defence of Empiricism. In A. P. Griffiths, editor, A.J. Ayer Memorial Essays, pages 1-16. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991.G. Bataille. Un-knowing and its Consequences. A. Michelson, translator, October, 36:80-85, 1986.G. Bataille. On Nietzsche. B. Boone, translator. London, Continuum, 2004.G. Bataille, I. Waldberg, & R. Lebel, editors, Encyclopaedia Acephalica. (I. White, D. Faccini, A. Michelson, J. Harman, A. Lykiard, et al., translators.) London, Atlas Press, 1995.I. Berlin. Review of My Philosophy (And other Essays on the Moral and Political Problems of our Time) by Benedetto Croce. Mind, 61(244):574-584, 1952.T. Carman. Continental Themes in Analytic Philosophy. In C. V. Boundas, editor, Columbia Companion to Twentieth-Century Philosophies, pages 351-366. New York, Columbia University Press, 2007.R. Carnap. The Elimination Of Metaphysics Through Logical Analysis of Language (A. Pap, translator). In A. J. Ayer, editor, Logical Positivism, pages 60-81. Glencoe, IL, The Free Press, 1959.J. Chase & J. Reynolds. Analytic versus Continental: Arguments on the Methods and Value of Philosophy. Durham, Acumen, 2010.S. Collini. Absent Minds: Intellectuals in Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.S. Critchley. Very Short Introduction to Continental Philosophy. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001.H. J. Dahms. Neue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy of the 1920s. In S. Awodey & C. Klein, editors, Carnap Brought Home: The View From Jena, pages 357-376. Chicago, Open Court, 2004.P. J. R. Dempsey. The Psychology of Sartre. Cork, Cork University Press,1950.V. Descombes. Modern French Philosophy. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1980.B. Flynn. Merleau-Ponty. In E. N. Zalta, editor, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, , 2004.M. Friedman. A Parting of the Ways: Carnap, Cassirer, and Heidegger. Chicago, Open Court, 2000.G. Gabriel. Carnap's "Elimination of Metaphysics Through the Logical Analysis of Language:" A Retrospective Consideration of the Relationship between Continental and Analytic Philosophy. In P. Parrini, W. C. Salmon, & M. H. Salmon, editors, Logical Empiricism: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives, pages 30-42. Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2003.P. Galison. Constructing Modernism: The Cultural Location of Aufbau. In R. N. Giere, A. Richardson, editors, Origins of Logical Empiricism, pages 17-44. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota, 1996.S. Glendinning. In the Name of Phenomenology. London, Routledge, 2007.Gary Gutting. Continental Philosophy of Science. Oxford, Blackwell, 2005.M. Hammond, J. Howarth, & R. Kent. Understanding Phenomenology. Oxford, Blackwell, 1995.M. Heidegger. Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics. R. Taft, translator. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997.M. Heidegger. Pathmarks. W. MacNeil, editor. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998.J. M. Heimonet. Bataille and Sartre: The Modernity of Mysticism. Diacritics, 26(2):59-73, 1996.http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.1996.0016 J. Himanka. Does the Earth Move?: A Search for a Dialogue Between Two Traditions of Contemporary Philosophy. The Philosophical Forum, 31(1):57-83, 2000.http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0031-806X.00028A. M. Hollywood. The Philosopher – Sartre – and Me. In Sensible Ecstasy: Mysticism, Sexual Difference and the Demands of History, pages 25-36. Chigago, University of Chicago Press, 2002.T. E. Hulme. A Note-Book. The New Age, 18(8):186-189, 1915.T. E. Hulme. A Note-Book. The New Age, 18(10):234-236, 1916.S. P. James. Merleau-Ponty, Metaphysical Realism and the Natural World. International Journal of Philosophical Studies, 15(4): 501-519, 2007.S. Käufer. Logic. In H. Dreyfus & M. Wrathall, editors, A Companion to Heidegger, pages 141-155. Oxford, Blackwell, 2005.E. W. Knight. Literature Considered as Philosophy: The French Example. New York, Macmillan, 1958.C. A. Mace. Review of The Psychology of Sartre by Peter J. R. Dempsey. Mind, 61(243):425-427, 1952.B. Magee. Men of Ideas: Some Creators of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1982.A. R. Manser. Sartre and "Le Néant." Philosophy, 36(137):177-187, 1961.http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0031819100058022 M. Martin. Sensible Appearances. In T. Baldwin, editor, The Cambridge History of Philosophy, 1870-1945, pages 521-532. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003.http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521591041.044PMid:14585038 F. Maubert. Francis Bacon, sa dernière interview: "Je poursois le peinture car je sais qu'il n'est pas possible de l'arreter." Paris-Match, 2242:92-93, 1992.J. M. E. McTaggart. The Unreality of Time. Mind, 17:457-474, 1908.http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mind/XVII.4.457M. Merleau-Ponty. Phenomenology of Perception. C. Smith, translator. London, Routledge, 2002.M. Merleau-Ponty. Texts and Dialogues: On Philosophy, Politics, and Culture. H. J. Silverman, editor (M. B. Smith, et al., translators). New York: Humanity Books, 2005.M. Merleau-Ponty & T. Baldwin. Maurice Merleau-Ponty. London, Routledge, 2004.H. Meyerhoff. Emotive and Existentialist Theories of Ethics. The Journal of Philosophy, 48(25):769-783, 1951.http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2021208I. Murdoch. Sartre, Romantic Rationalist. Cambridge, Bowes and Bowes, 1953.I. Murdoch. The Idea of Perfection. In The Sovereignty of Good, pages 1-44. London, Routledge, 2001.A. Oliver. A Few More Remarks on Logical Form. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, 99:247-272, 1999.A. Plantinga. An Existentialist's Ethics. Review of Metaphysics, 12(2):235-56, 1958.S. Priest. Merleau-Ponty. New York, Routledge, 2003.W. V. Quine. Word and Object. M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, MA, 1960.A. Quinton. Which Philosophy is Modernistic? In Thoughts and Thinkers, pages 39-51. New York, Holmes and Meier, 1982.J. Rée. English Philosophy in the Fifties. Radical Philosophy, 65:3-21, 1993.S. Richmond. Sartre and Bergson: A Disagreement about Nothingness. International Journal of Philosophical Studies, 15(1):77-95, 2007.http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672550601143201B. Rogers. Ayer: A Life. New York, Grove Press, 2002.K. Romdenh-Romluc. Merleau-Ponty and Phenomenology of Perception. London, Routledge, 2009.G. E. Rosado Haddock. The Young Carnap's Unknown Master: Husserl's Influence on Der Raum and Der logische Aufbau der Welt. Aldershot, Ashgate, 2008.B. Russell. Nightmares of Eminent Persons And Other Stories. London, The Bodley Head, 1954.G. Ryle, H. A. Hodges, & H. B. Acton. Symposium: Phenomenology. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, 11:68-115, 1932.G. Ryle. Phenomenology vs. The Concept of Mind. In Collected Papers: Critical Essays, Vol. 1, pages 179-196. London, Hutchinson, 1971.J. P. Sartre. Un nouveau mystique. In Critiques littéraires (Situations I), pages 174-229. Paris, Gallimard, 1975.J. Skorupski. The Presidential Address: The Legacy of Modernism. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, 91:1-19, 1990.A. Stone. Heidegger and Carnap on the Overcoming of Metaphysics. In S. Mulhall editor, Martin Heidegger, pages 217-244. Aldershot, Ashgate, 2006.M. Surya, K.Fijalkowski, & M. Richardson. Georges Bataille: An Intellectual Biography. K. Fijalkowski & M. Richardson, translators. London, Verso, 2002.C. Taylor, & Alfred J. Ayer. Symposium: Phenomenology and Linguistic Analysis. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary Volumes, 33:93-124, 1959.N. Trakakis. Meta-philosophy of Religion: The Analytic-Continental Divide in Philosophy of Religion. Ars Disputandi, 7, 2007.J. Wahl. The Pluralist Philosophies of England and America. F. Rothwell, translator. London, The Open Court Company, 1925.J. Wahl. Vers le Concret. Paris, Vrin, 1932.J. Wahl. Nietzsche et la mort de dieu: note a propos du "Nietzsche" de Jaspers. Acéphale, 2:22-24, 1937.I. Waldberg & Patrick Waldberg. Un Amour Acéphale, Correspondence 1940-49. Paris, Editions de la Différence, 1992.M. Warnock. The Philosophy of Sartre. London, Hutchinson, 1965.D. Wiggins. Truth, Invention, and the Meaning of Life. In G. Sayre-McCord, editor, Essays on Moral Realism, pages 127-65. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1988. C. Wilson. The Outsider. London, Gollancz, 1956.D. Zahavi. Phenomenology and Metaphysics. In D. Zahavi, S. Heinämaa, & H. Ruin, editors, Metaphysics, Facticity, Interpretation: Phenomenology in the Nordic Countries, pages 3-22. Dordrecht, Kluwer, 2003.

By and large, we take our universities for granted. Indeed, the oldest have outlived political regimes of all kinds. This stimulating historical and comparative study exemplifies the importance of in-depth experience and engagement with the cultural and structural environments in which some of the world's greatest universities have over centuries incrementally developed and been embedded. This is crucial if we hope to understand the sources of their authority and myriad contributions to scientific knowledge and human flourishing. A neo-institutionalist scholar and multicultural citizen who fruitfully contributes to dialogues exploring core institutions in education and society on both sides of the Atlantic, Heinz-Dieter Meyer is uniquely placed to grapple with the complex processes of institutional learning and design that have made the German and American universities among the globally most productive. He also shows how they have influenced each other via the complex, yet crucial flows of inspired scholars and students carrying key idea(l)s with them for interpretation and application back home. The contributions of key actors, but also the outcomes of choices at critical junctures, such as the failure to establish a national state-funded university in the United States, take center stage in this engaging account of how the leaders of American universities adapted the German model, joining diverse concepts to design what has become the greatest uni-versity system in the world, yet one that remains nearly impossible to emulate due to the unique constellation of actors and institutional environment in which it developed. In eighteen chapters in four parts, The Design of the University: German, American, and "World Class" takes us from Göttingen and Berlin to Boston and to the world level as the scientific enterprise—and competition between scientists and the most crucial organizational form in which they conduct their experiments and make their arguments, the research university—becomes ever more global. Contributing to and inviting debate, Meyer's main argument is that the American university has suc-ceeded based upon an institutional design—or, perhaps, a non-design—that on multiple levels facil-itates self-government and the identification of a niche within an extraordinarily large and differen-tiated higher education system. This is not a full-fledged historiographic treatment of a subject fa-vored by academics (permanently searching for reputational gains) and policymakers (as they in-creasingly launch research funding programs and evaluation systems to foster competition). Rather than a full-fledged sociology of science, this book creatively sketches the trajectories of German and American university development, emphasizing affinities as well as crucial differences, to ulti-mately argue that in fact "Humboldt's most important ideas flourished in the American atmosphere of unrestricted institutional experimentation and vigorous self-government" (xiii). Interrogating what he calls the "design thinking" of eminent thinkers Adam Smith and Wilhelm von Humboldt, among others, Meyer traces the challenging, complex, and contingent learning processes in the adaptation of the German research university model to the American context, eventually becoming the most differentiated and "world-class" higher education system in the world. Asking about the reasons for the American university's success, especially in comparison to the recent insti-tutional crisis of the German research university, albeit still extraordinarily productive, Meyer argues that this American meritocratic success story has institutional design (of self-government) at its heart. Enjoying the patronage of not one, but three major institutions—state, church, and market—the American university attained true autonomy and global preeminence through unparalleled wealth of patronage and an intricate system of checks and balances. In this line of argument, chart-ing the ascendancy from humble origins of what can hardly be called a system due its extraordinary diversity, Meyer concurs with David Labaree (2017), who's A Perfect Mess [1] is a highly-suitable com-panion piece grounded in the history of American higher education. Contemporary architects of higher education policy globally, driven by the fantasy of "world class" labels, Meyer warns, have completely underestimated the "institutional, social, and political prerequisites that excellence in research and teaching require" (p. 4). Meyer begins his treatise, appropriately, in Göttingen, the site of Georgia Augusta University, where many leaders of American higher education, first and foremost Boston Brahmin George Ticknor, learned by doing, ensconced in a cosmopolitan center of learning and intellectual enlightenment. The blueprint included professionalized scholarship, the unification of research and teaching in seminars and lectures, freedom to choose among academic offerings, a vast library of scientific knowledge, and academic standing based on perpetual production of cutting-edge research judged by peers (p. 19). Instead of Adam Smith's preferred instruments of competition, choice, and tuition-dependence, Wilhelm von Humboldt's "design revolution" proposed "three unities" whose powerful integration could surpass the utilitarian logic prevalent then and now: "teaching and research; scien-tific discovery and moral formation (Bildung); scholarly autonomy and scholarly community" (p. 40). The book's second part, on institutional learning, charts the institutional migration of the blueprint; the contested design options of Gymnasium, college, and graduate school (the latter ultimately the key to global preeminence); the lasting influence of Protestantism (here Meyer follows the arguments of Max Weber, Robert K. Merton, and Joseph Ben-David) and extraordinary educational philanthropy; the battle between those who would centralize, by establishing a national university, and those committed to local control; and finally the contrasting answers to the eternal question of vocational-ism—e.g., how should business be treated, as a sibling to medicine and law or as their distant cousin? The more education-enamored, democratically-inclined patrician elites of the American East Coast were, Meyer argues, radically different institution-builders than German scholars, French state nobility, or even Chinese mandarins: "No other class combined their respect for, and grand vision of, the civilizing role of learning with their economic resources and the realism needed to put their plans into practice" (p. 113). Building on philosophical and historical elaboration, the book's third part on achieving self-government discusses the six American moves leading to institutional innovation. At organizational level, the German chair and institute give way to departments and discipline, the university presi-dent is no longer figurehead but chief executive, and independent boards of trustees, not govern-ment officials, have ultimate authority. The implications for individuals and organizations of these "design shifts" cannot be overstated. Anyone seeking to understand American higher education, with its phenomenal vertical and horizontal differentiation and on-going academic drift ("a snake-like procession" as David Riesman, to whom the book is dedicated, calls it), and its self-organized autonomy—supported by many philanthropists without the limiting control of a few state bureau-crats—will find this analysis illuminating. Embedded in civil society, "vigorous self-government is the historic design contribution of the American university" (p. 209)—and an achievement that must be guarded in an era in which university autonomy is at risk. In concluding, Meyer's American opti-mistic and laudatory tone shifts back to Germanic critique and foreboding, identifying challenges and the contemporary struggles that threaten the unintentional masterpiece of institutional learning and diversity. Such justified hopes and fears must now give way to empirical studies of the extraor-dinary outputs in terms of scientific production and societal capabilities and well-being brought about by the continuous process of university Bildung—in Germany, the United States, and around the world. [1] David Labaree (2017), A Perfect Mess: The Unlikely Ascendancy of American Higher Education. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

In the last decades, the specific role of women in international relations has received more attention and feminist theories have gained ground in the intellectual debate, which has contributed to a general sensitization towards the incorporation of the analysis of the gender category in the discipline of international relations. In fact, one of the characteristic features of the discipline of international relations had been the invisibility of gender structures that impact men and women differently. However, with the emergence of the so-called "third debate", a new opportunity was opened to think about the international from more critical and inclusive perspectives. The impact of feminist studies took place in the late 1980s with a special publication on gender in Millennium: Journal of International Studies. Of great relevance at present are the theories produced outside of the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project. Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses about a supposedly universal experience of women. In this sense, the main objective of this article is to carry out a bibliographic review on the main feminist schools, as well as to systematize the plurality of feminist theories and practices that have taken place in the course of international studies. In this way, after a brief introduction on the emergence of feminist approaches in the discipline, this study analyzes the contributions of the main feminist schools: liberal feminism, standpoint feminism, constructivist feminism, postmodernist feminism, postcolonial feminism, decolonial feminism, queer theory, and the focus on masculinities. Through the examination of these different feminist theoretical currents, their impact on the discipline of international relations will be analyzed, showing the epistemological, methodological and ontological changes present in the different schools. Feminist theories in international relations must therefore be approached in a multidimensional way, in the sense of recognizing the differences and common elements regarding the experiences of women, men and sexual dissidents from different latitudes. In this sense, the possibility of renewal in international relations occurred with the crisis of the realist paradigm after the end of the Cold War. In this context, there was the emergence of numerous studies that began to incorporate feminist lenses in their analyses. With the new critical perspectives - which focused their examinations on non-state and sub-state agents when criticizing state-centeredness in the discipline -, women were conceived as possible agents of transformation of their environment both locally and internationally. These criticisms implied a new dimension for incorporating issues of "low politics", an area in which the majority of women would be placed. In this context, feminist theories were gaining more and more relevance in the intellectual debate of the discipline and some authors began to criticize more strongly the dominant theories, given their markedly sexist bias. In the late 1980s, Ann Tickner stated that "international politics is a man's world" and, more forcefully, questioned, in light of feminist lenses, the six realist pillars of Hans Morgenthau. Morgenthau and other theorists sought to overturn the idea that "gender has nothing to do with international processes and events" (Zalewski, 1997, p. 342). Thus, realist theorists insisted on the defense of objectivity and neutrality in international relations, and in terms of gender argued that on the one hand, the topics covered equally affect men and women and, on the other hand, international relations refers to an autonomous sphere of reality. In recent years, we find few authors who support this vision, although the absence of studies with gender analysis in the discipline is salient. Of great relevance today are the theories produced outside the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project that omits multiple hierarchies of power and that marginalizes and dismisses the agency of women who are outside the "center". Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses, both in international relations and in feminist studies. The contributions of feminism are one of the most important innovations in international relations, although, admittedly, it was "one of the last bastions to succumb to feminist research" (Byron and Thorburn, 1998, p. 211). Feminist literature has denounced the supposed objectivity of the classical paradigms of the discipline, especially realism, as well as the androcentrism that emerges from traditional analyses. For realists, the State is conceived as "an orderly, peaceful sphere that acts rationally in function of the national interest, representing the whole of society". However, some authors consider that this analysis is based on the "functions performed by men as the basis of political identity" (Rodríguez Manzano, 2001, p. 261) and, therefore, masculine characteristics "are projected onto the behavior of States" (Tickner, 1992, 6). The image of a State as a mirror of rational man is supported by the conceptual universe that surrounds it, such as the struggle for power, the search for peace, or sovereignty, which reinforces the idea that political activity is dominated by males. But this man is not just anybody, and the idea of ??the State is built in the image and likeness of the ideal archetype of a western white man. Hence follows another complaint made by many feminists: their ethnocentric bias. In the gender system, masculine identity rests on the necessary repression of the aspects considered feminine and, within this logic, colonized men are feminized: they are beings destitute of rationality, they need the tutelage of the white man for their "development". The other, the foreigner, and the different are constructed as irrational, unpredictable, qualities considered feminine in the western gender system. On the other hand, white women assume that they are the ones who invite other women to participate in feminist politics. They are conceived as the pioneers in this emancipatory process. Women in the Global South have denounced these discourses by pointing out that differences between women lead to differences of privilege, exclusion and power. In this sense, a woman's point of view does not guarantee a reciprocal relationship with the Other, but rather can exercise a hierarchical relationship by not considering the different female subjectivities. Therefore, they argue that feminist theory must include the experiences of all women through the intersection of gender, class, race, sexuality, political order, place of enunciation, etc. It is thus important to note that feminist theories are not monolithic and are characterized by their plurality. While some scholars have preferred to analyze international phenomena in a more traditional way, showing how women have played an important role in international politics -whether in "high politics" or in a subordinate position-, others have dedicated themselves to denaturalizing the concept of universal woman (that is, Euro-white women), pointing out other problems, such as race, class or sexuality from an intersectional vision. Many, however, start from an initial guiding question: where are women in international relations? Parallel to this question and the incorporation of women as a variable in the discipline - a variable that is especially important for liberal and radical feminists - the category of gender is consecrated as the most relevant contribution. ; En las últimas décadas, el rol específico de las mujeres en las relaciones internacionales ha recibido más atención y las teorías feministas han ganado terreno en el debate intelectual, lo que ha contribuido a una sensibilización general hacia la incorporación del análisis de la categoría de género en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. De hecho, uno de los rasgos característicos de la disciplina había sido la invisibilización de las estructuras de género que impactan a hombres y mujeres de forma distinta. Sin embargo, con la irrupción del llamado "cuarto debate" se abrió una nueva oportunidad para pensar lo internacional desde miradas más críticas e inclusivas. El impacto de los estudios feministas tuvo lugar a finales de la década de 1980 con una publicación especial sobre género en la revista académica Millennium: Journal of International Studies. De gran relevancia en la actualidad son las teorías producidas fuera de los centros hegemónicos y que cuestionan tanto las teorías clásicas como el sistema de género occidental por encubrir un proyecto etnocéntrico. En efecto, las teóricas post y decoloniales pretenden desestabilizar los discursos hegemónicos sobre una supuesta experiencia universal de las mujeres. En este sentido, el objetivo central del presente artículo es realizar una revisión bibliográfica sobre las principales escuelas feministas, así como sistematizar la pluralidad de teorías y de prácticas feministas que han tenido lugar en el devenir de los estudios internacionales. De esta forma, tras una breve introducción sobre el surgimiento de los enfoques feministas en la disciplina, el presente estudio realiza un análisis de las aportaciones de las principales escuelas feministas: el feminismo liberal, el feminismo del punto de vista, el feminismo constructivista, el feminismo posmodernista, el feminismo postcolonial, el feminismo decolonial, la teoría queer y el enfoque sobre las masculinidades. A través del examen de estas diferentes corrientes teóricas, se analizará su impacto en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, evidenciando los cambios epistemológicos, metodológicos y ontológicos presentes en las diferentes escuelas. Las teorías feministas en las Relaciones Internacionales deben ser abordadas, pues, de manera multidimensional, en el sentido de reconocer las diferencias y elementos comunes respecto a las experiencias de las mujeres, hombres y disidentes sexuales desde diferentes latitudes.

The purpose of this thesis is to determine the specificities of the two Martinican writers who conceived Creoleness, Patrick Chamoiseau and Raphaël Confiant, when dealing with two topics directly related to their manifesto, i. e. In Praise of Creoleness. More particularly, I study their vision of the West Indian history, which is different from the colonial version, and the relations of the Martinican with the multifaceted Other, in order to find out where these themes converge and diverge. These topics determine the two parts of my thesis. In a comparatist prospect, the first part of the thesis, whose objective is mainly descriptive, sets out the reasons why West Indians formed a hybrid society, and tries to identify the issues related to this society. It is worth pointing out that the Plantation – which was developed by the colonizer and deeply influenced the economic, political, social and cultural Caribbean practices – played a prominent role as it generates an ethnic diversity by hiring manpower coming from different cultures. But at the same time, the Plantation builds a well-structured social ladder, creates a supreme power held by Creole whites and by France, and determines the population concentration in first a rural and later an urban space. The system gives rise to a new culture, born three hundred years ago, which is diverse, fractured by political, linguistic and sociocultural barriers. First, we define the key concepts related to history problematisation. As in West Indies History was imposed by the ruling power, the creolists therefore assign themselves the mission of rewriting their histories. The historical subdivision mainly adopted the one suggested by Edouard Glissant and puts to the fore the perspective of the dominated : the pre-Colombian period, the slave trade and the hold, the Plantation, slavery abolition, the rise of mulatto bourgeoisie and of a trading class, the status of the West Indian as a victim of world wars and departmentalization. The second part, whose background is made up by the urban space, deals with the irony which targets the different groups in the Martinican society in their conflictual relationship with the Other. The choice of the tone, a component of which is mockery, depends on the fact that the creolists estimate that West Indians assume their reality in a certain jubilation, like a resistance to the oppression they suffered for centuries. More specifically, I tackle, in the first place, the issue of cultures in contact and then I analyze the Martinican society, mainly in a dichotomic way: on the one hand, the groups possessing political and/or economic power, and on the other hand the groups of the underprivileged deprived from these powers. In the first part, I therefore study the irony addressed to Aime Cesaire, mulattos, whites whether they are Creole or from France, and in the second part, the irony concerning the West Indians, the Coolies, the Chinese and finally the Syro-Lebanese. Since the two authors are loyal to the identity premises developed in In praise of Creoleness, this implies that there are more convergences than divergences for the history issues. However, as far as cultural mosaic is concerned, Confiant presents a more coherent relationship between the theoretical concepts of Creoleness and the representation he makes of it in his novels, insofar as he deals more lavishly with the different groups which constitute the West Indian society. Conversely, Chamoiseau limits himself to depicting its dichotomic structure. Moreover, the novelistic fictions of both writers disclose a divided society; consequently, I observed that the syncretism and the unity of the cultural components that they value in their manifesto remain to be built. In a society that suffers from consequences of colonialism, their narratives underline the conflicts between communities. Implicitly, the two writers invite West Indians, and more globally human beings, to open themselves to otherness and be improved by the Other, without losing their identity. If the creolists generally converge in their choice of irony targets, nevertheless they have their own characteristics. Each of them is original when using the processes related to usual practices. Chamoiseau resorts to more intertexts, launching so an intellectual challenge to his reader. We also observe that creolists tend to make use of event accumulation in order to mock; this accumulation is so excessive that it becomes grotesque. In Confiant's novels, this tone is different due to the lubricity of sex-related situations. Chamoiseau's work is characterized by the use of marvellous realism, the tale that reminds of the past and the invention of a fictitious world. As for Confiant, he differentiates himself by doing a pastiche of Cesaire and by setting up the microcosm of West Indian society. ; Le but de cette thèse est de déterminer les spécificités de deux écrivains martiniquais concepteurs de la créolité : Patrick Chamoiseau et Raphaël Confiant, concernant la manière d'aborder deux thématiques qui s'inscrivent dans leur manifeste, à savoir Éloge de la créolité (1989). Nous étudions plus particulièrement leur vision de l'histoire antillaise, qui diffère de la version coloniale, et les relations du Martiniquais avec l'Autre multiple afin de relever en quoi ces thématiques convergent et divergent. Ces deux thématiques déterminent les deux volets de notre thèse. Dans une perspective comparatiste, le premier volet de la thèse, à caractère majoritairement descriptif, énonce les raisons pour lesquelles les Antillais se sont constitués en tant que société hybride, afin de relever les problématiques liées à cette dernière. Il convient de signaler que la Plantation – développée par le colonisateur et ayant profondément influencé les pratiques économiques, politiques, sociales et culturelles de la Caraïbe – joue un rôle prépondérant car, en faisant appel à une main-d'œuvre issue de peuples de cultures différentes, elle engendre une diversité ethnique. Mais, en même temps, la Plantation construit une échelle sociale bien structurée, instaure un pouvoir suprême détenu par les Blancs créoles et par la France et détermine la concentration de population dans un espace rural, puis urbain. Ce système forge une nouvelle culture, jeune de trois cents ans, composite, fissurée par des barrières politiques, linguistiques et socioculturelles. En premier lieu, nous définissons les concepts-clés concernant la problématisation de l'histoire. Comme aux Antilles l'Histoire fut imposée par le pouvoir dominant ; les créolistes se donnent donc pour mission de réécrire leurs histoires. La subdivision historique adopte essentiellement celle proposée par Édouard Glissant et met en avant la perspective du dominé : la période précolombienne, la traite et la cale, la Plantation, l'abolition de l'esclavage, l'apparition de la bourgeoisie mulâtre et d'une classe commerçante, la situation de l'Antillais en tant que victime des guerres mondiales et la départementalisation. Le second volet, dont l'espace urbain constitue la toile de fond, traite de l'ironie qui prend pour cible les divers groupes de la société martiniquaise dans leur relation conflictuelle à l'autre. Le choix du ton, dont l'une des composantes est la raillerie, tient au fait que les créolistes estiment que l'Antillais assume sa réalité dans une certaine jubilation, comme une résistance à l'oppression subie pendant des siècles. Plus spécifiquement, nous abordons, en premier lieu, la problématique des cultures en contact pour analyser ensuite la société martiniquaise, essentiellement sous une forme dichotomique : d'une part, les groupes disposant de pouvoir politique et/ou économique et d'autre part, les groupes des démunis dépourvus de ces pouvoirs. Ainsi, dans la première partie, nous étudions l'ironie adressée à Aimé Césaire, aux mulâtres, aux Blancs qu'ils soient créoles ou de l'Hexagone et dans la deuxième, celle concernant les Afro-Antillais, les coolies, les Chinois et finalement les Syro-Libanais. Fidèles aux postulats identitaires développés dans Éloge de la créolité par les deux auteurs, les convergences sont largement majoritaires pour les thématiques de l'histoire. Cependant, pour ce qui concerne la mosaïque culturelle, il existe, chez Confiant, une relation plus cohérente entre les concepts théoriques de la créolité et la représentation qu'il en livre dans ses romans, en ce sens qu'il traite plus largement des divers groupes constitutifs de la société antillaise. En revanche, Chamoiseau se borne à en brosser la structure dichotomique. D'autre part, les fictions romanesques de l'un et de l'autre dévoilent une société fracturée ; nous observons dès lors que le syncrétisme et l'unité des composantes culturelles qu'ils mettent en avant dans leur manifeste restent à construire. Au sein d'une société qui souffre des conséquences du colonialisme, leurs récits soulignent les conflits entre communautés. Implicitement, les deux auteurs invitent l'Antillais, mais plus largement l'être humain, à s'ouvrir à l'altérité et ainsi à s'enrichir par l'autre, sans perdre son identité. Les créolistes convergent en général dans leur choix des cibles de l'ironie avec toutefois plusieurs caractéristiques propres à chacun. Quant au traitement du ton, chacun imprime son originalité dans les procédés par rapport aux pratiques habituelles. Chamoiseau utilise beaucoup plus d'intertextes, lançant un défi intellectuel à son lecteur. Nous relevons aussi une tendance chez les créolistes à recourir à l'accumulation d'événements dans le but de railler, laquelle frôle le grotesque dans l'excès ; chez Confiant, ce ton se différencie par la lubricité des propos sexuels. Sont spécifiques à Chamoiseau l'emploi du réalisme merveilleux, du conte comme déclencheur du passé et l'invention d'un monde fictif. Confiant, pour sa part, marque son originalité dans le pastiche de Césaire ainsi que dans la mise en scène du microcosme de la société antillaise. ; (ROM 3) -- UCL, 2009