Suchergebnisse

Bilateral relations of Lithuania and Poland have had significant ups and downs since reestablishment of both of their independence after the fall of the Soviet Union. Reasons for these dramatic shifts are colourful and plentiful: ethnic tensions, hot and cold interpersonal relationships of the leaders, joint objective of Euroatlantic integration etc. However, the novel coronavirus pandemic has presented bilateral relations of these two countries with a variable never seen before. Hence, the objective of this Master's thesis research is the impact of COVID-19 pandemic to the strategic partnership of Lithuania and Poland. In this thesis, the object of analysis is theoretically approached from two different angles: in order to explore the effect of the pandemic to strategic partnership of Lithuania in Poland, one must be aware of its historic dynamic and current state. As is pointed out in this thesis, since 2015-2016, bilateral relations are experiencing a period of increased cooperation and more constructive rhetoric, due to new political leadership, common perceived enemy and strategic goals, among various other, less significant reasons. Furthermore, it is vital to grasp the role of International Relations theory in global health, and how the states, according to several classic theories, behave during the pandemic. In this regard, it is concluded, that the theory with the most to offer in explaining states' behaviour during a health crisis is the realist approach. That is precisely the reason why realism is employed as a theoretical basis of the research, which was carried out as a case study, employing qualitative-interpretative method. Taking from the notion of strategic partnership, found in Lithuanian and foreign literature, as well pandemical realism, 4 main qualitative dependent variables were derived: (1) bilateral relationship on a highest political level, as well as attempts to institutionalise them; (2) societal perceptions towards each other; (3) intensive interinstitutional, intersectoral and strategic cooperation; (4) the convergence of strategic goals. In order to achieve the objective, pivotal events were identified, public speaches of the leaders analysed, and various other data sources interpreted and secondary sources analysed. It was concluded that (1) the highest level political bilateral relations, which were, at least quantitavely speaking, on an upward trend, were not significantly affected by the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic provided an opportunity to cooperate on the highest political level. (2) Societal, in this specific case – expert communities' perception of each other should not and could not be considered good or very good: Lithuanian experts rated Poland's response to the crisis as the poorest in EU27, while Polands experts did not rate Lithuania at all. (3) Although Lithuanian and Polish interinstitutional, intersectional cooperation and strategic infrastructural projects have flowed as per usual so far during the pandemic, however, some opportunities for cooperation were not seized. (4) No new strategic goals of Lithuania and Poland appeared on the agenda, and, by extention, no existing ones were dropped during the pandemic so far. It must be acknowledged, that the pandemic, directly or indirectly, helped widen, deepen and make some of the common strategic objectives more clear. All in all, this Master's thesis concludes that, while several historic "breaking points" of Lithuanain-Polish bilateral relationship, where previously stagnated or outright confrontational relations suddenly were improved and vice-versa, could be identified, however, COVID-19 pandemic so far has not been that. Moreover, as a result of the pandemic, no new strategically incompatible and problematic goals, neither for Lithuania, nor for Poland, were identified. It did, however, spawn a number of opportunities for an even closer cooperation between the two states, but they were not successfully seized.

Bilateral relations of Lithuania and Poland have had significant ups and downs since reestablishment of both of their independence after the fall of the Soviet Union. Reasons for these dramatic shifts are colourful and plentiful: ethnic tensions, hot and cold interpersonal relationships of the leaders, joint objective of Euroatlantic integration etc. However, the novel coronavirus pandemic has presented bilateral relations of these two countries with a variable never seen before. Hence, the objective of this Master's thesis research is the impact of COVID-19 pandemic to the strategic partnership of Lithuania and Poland. In this thesis, the object of analysis is theoretically approached from two different angles: in order to explore the effect of the pandemic to strategic partnership of Lithuania in Poland, one must be aware of its historic dynamic and current state. As is pointed out in this thesis, since 2015-2016, bilateral relations are experiencing a period of increased cooperation and more constructive rhetoric, due to new political leadership, common perceived enemy and strategic goals, among various other, less significant reasons. Furthermore, it is vital to grasp the role of International Relations theory in global health, and how the states, according to several classic theories, behave during the pandemic. In this regard, it is concluded, that the theory with the most to offer in explaining states' behaviour during a health crisis is the realist approach. That is precisely the reason why realism is employed as a theoretical basis of the research, which was carried out as a case study, employing qualitative-interpretative method. Taking from the notion of strategic partnership, found in Lithuanian and foreign literature, as well pandemical realism, 4 main qualitative dependent variables were derived: (1) bilateral relationship on a highest political level, as well as attempts to institutionalise them; (2) societal perceptions towards each other; (3) intensive interinstitutional, intersectoral and strategic cooperation; (4) the convergence of strategic goals. In order to achieve the objective, pivotal events were identified, public speaches of the leaders analysed, and various other data sources interpreted and secondary sources analysed. It was concluded that (1) the highest level political bilateral relations, which were, at least quantitavely speaking, on an upward trend, were not significantly affected by the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic provided an opportunity to cooperate on the highest political level. (2) Societal, in this specific case – expert communities' perception of each other should not and could not be considered good or very good: Lithuanian experts rated Poland's response to the crisis as the poorest in EU27, while Polands experts did not rate Lithuania at all. (3) Although Lithuanian and Polish interinstitutional, intersectional cooperation and strategic infrastructural projects have flowed as per usual so far during the pandemic, however, some opportunities for cooperation were not seized. (4) No new strategic goals of Lithuania and Poland appeared on the agenda, and, by extention, no existing ones were dropped during the pandemic so far. It must be acknowledged, that the pandemic, directly or indirectly, helped widen, deepen and make some of the common strategic objectives more clear. All in all, this Master's thesis concludes that, while several historic "breaking points" of Lithuanain-Polish bilateral relationship, where previously stagnated or outright confrontational relations suddenly were improved and vice-versa, could be identified, however, COVID-19 pandemic so far has not been that. Moreover, as a result of the pandemic, no new strategically incompatible and problematic goals, neither for Lithuania, nor for Poland, were identified. It did, however, spawn a number of opportunities for an even closer cooperation between the two states, but they were not successfully seized.

Bilateral relations of Lithuania and Poland have had significant ups and downs since reestablishment of both of their independence after the fall of the Soviet Union. Reasons for these dramatic shifts are colourful and plentiful: ethnic tensions, hot and cold interpersonal relationships of the leaders, joint objective of Euroatlantic integration etc. However, the novel coronavirus pandemic has presented bilateral relations of these two countries with a variable never seen before. Hence, the objective of this Master's thesis research is the impact of COVID-19 pandemic to the strategic partnership of Lithuania and Poland. In this thesis, the object of analysis is theoretically approached from two different angles: in order to explore the effect of the pandemic to strategic partnership of Lithuania in Poland, one must be aware of its historic dynamic and current state. As is pointed out in this thesis, since 2015-2016, bilateral relations are experiencing a period of increased cooperation and more constructive rhetoric, due to new political leadership, common perceived enemy and strategic goals, among various other, less significant reasons. Furthermore, it is vital to grasp the role of International Relations theory in global health, and how the states, according to several classic theories, behave during the pandemic. In this regard, it is concluded, that the theory with the most to offer in explaining states' behaviour during a health crisis is the realist approach. That is precisely the reason why realism is employed as a theoretical basis of the research, which was carried out as a case study, employing qualitative-interpretative method. Taking from the notion of strategic partnership, found in Lithuanian and foreign literature, as well pandemical realism, 4 main qualitative dependent variables were derived: (1) bilateral relationship on a highest political level, as well as attempts to institutionalise them; (2) societal perceptions towards each other; (3) intensive interinstitutional, intersectoral and strategic cooperation; (4) the convergence of strategic goals. In order to achieve the objective, pivotal events were identified, public speaches of the leaders analysed, and various other data sources interpreted and secondary sources analysed. It was concluded that (1) the highest level political bilateral relations, which were, at least quantitavely speaking, on an upward trend, were not significantly affected by the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic provided an opportunity to cooperate on the highest political level. (2) Societal, in this specific case – expert communities' perception of each other should not and could not be considered good or very good: Lithuanian experts rated Poland's response to the crisis as the poorest in EU27, while Polands experts did not rate Lithuania at all. (3) Although Lithuanian and Polish interinstitutional, intersectional cooperation and strategic infrastructural projects have flowed as per usual so far during the pandemic, however, some opportunities for cooperation were not seized. (4) No new strategic goals of Lithuania and Poland appeared on the agenda, and, by extention, no existing ones were dropped during the pandemic so far. It must be acknowledged, that the pandemic, directly or indirectly, helped widen, deepen and make some of the common strategic objectives more clear. All in all, this Master's thesis concludes that, while several historic "breaking points" of Lithuanain-Polish bilateral relationship, where previously stagnated or outright confrontational relations suddenly were improved and vice-versa, could be identified, however, COVID-19 pandemic so far has not been that. Moreover, as a result of the pandemic, no new strategically incompatible and problematic goals, neither for Lithuania, nor for Poland, were identified. It did, however, spawn a number of opportunities for an even closer cooperation between the two states, but they were not successfully seized.

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

An analysis of the art, or rather of the abstractions, of Juzefa Čeičytė (b. 1922), which she produced in her spare time in the Soviet period, may serve to reflect the threat and the gaps in the complex ideological apparatus of the Soviet system. This paper tries to penetrate the recurrent and ostensibly undisputed claims that the paintings of Čeičytė, kept from outsiders for a long time, are "identity documents" produced as "evidence of an unruly soul". The artist's existential positions and intentions, which profess the old modern model that deems that creation is a mysterious uncalculated work leading to who knows where, are closer to the Western ideas of that period. It is very clear, however, where the structures in Čeičytė's works lead to. How she manages not to overstep her limited square – the black theatre box – and how she manages to arrange herself within it, result in works that all merit a great deal of attention. Paradoxically, abstract art is one of the negative Soviet statements that acquired a political aspect and became the great enemy of socialist realism – but in this case it was even praised in the official press, and occupied a particular position within the ideological system. The Soviet press could only state and follow its own fiction: praise socialist realist works of art, conceal strange new works of art, artificially organise educational discussions, or conceal unsolved problems. Therefore, once Čeičytė's abstract works entered the arena of. [to full text]

An analysis of the art, or rather of the abstractions, of Juzefa Čeičytė (b. 1922), which she produced in her spare time in the Soviet period, may serve to reflect the threat and the gaps in the complex ideological apparatus of the Soviet system. This paper tries to penetrate the recurrent and ostensibly undisputed claims that the paintings of Čeičytė, kept from outsiders for a long time, are "identity documents" produced as "evidence of an unruly soul". The artist's existential positions and intentions, which profess the old modern model that deems that creation is a mysterious uncalculated work leading to who knows where, are closer to the Western ideas of that period. It is very clear, however, where the structures in Čeičytė's works lead to. How she manages not to overstep her limited square – the black theatre box – and how she manages to arrange herself within it, result in works that all merit a great deal of attention. Paradoxically, abstract art is one of the negative Soviet statements that acquired a political aspect and became the great enemy of socialist realism – but in this case it was even praised in the official press, and occupied a particular position within the ideological system. The Soviet press could only state and follow its own fiction: praise socialist realist works of art, conceal strange new works of art, artificially organise educational discussions, or conceal unsolved problems. Therefore, once Čeičytė's abstract works entered the arena of. [to full text]

An analysis of the art, or rather of the abstractions, of Juzefa Čeičytė (b. 1922), which she produced in her spare time in the Soviet period, may serve to reflect the threat and the gaps in the complex ideological apparatus of the Soviet system. This paper tries to penetrate the recurrent and ostensibly undisputed claims that the paintings of Čeičytė, kept from outsiders for a long time, are "identity documents" produced as "evidence of an unruly soul". The artist's existential positions and intentions, which profess the old modern model that deems that creation is a mysterious uncalculated work leading to who knows where, are closer to the Western ideas of that period. It is very clear, however, where the structures in Čeičytė's works lead to. How she manages not to overstep her limited square – the black theatre box – and how she manages to arrange herself within it, result in works that all merit a great deal of attention. Paradoxically, abstract art is one of the negative Soviet statements that acquired a political aspect and became the great enemy of socialist realism – but in this case it was even praised in the official press, and occupied a particular position within the ideological system. The Soviet press could only state and follow its own fiction: praise socialist realist works of art, conceal strange new works of art, artificially organise educational discussions, or conceal unsolved problems. Therefore, once Čeičytė's abstract works entered the arena of. [to full text]

Smart power is a completely new phenomenon in international relations. It is defined as a smart combination of hard and soft powers"tools, which leads to effective foreign policy. Smart power is closely related with the case of the United States, in which even the highest officials in their rhetorics use the term of smart power. According to officials, smart power is an objective in foreign policy. Therefore there is a need to research if the USA uses smart power in its foreign policy towards China after 2009. The subject of this study is the use of smart power in foreign policy of the United States towards China since 2009. The aim of this study is to research if the U.S. uses the smart power as a tool of foreign policy in relations with China after the year 2009. To achieve this aim the following goals are settled: to present a theory of international relations realism, and its main ideas and types, distinguishing neoclassical realism; to discuss the term of power in international relations by distinguishing soft and hard power forms, and to present the concept of smart power by highlighting its origins, definition, application and tools; to perform an analyses of official U. S. rhetorics towards China after year 2009 by analyzing National security strategy and the speeches of the highest officials, and by evaluating the smart power evidence in those rhetorics; to analyze the smart power in U.S. foreign policy towards China after 2009 by using a structured interview method with international relations" experts. The defendant statement/hypothesis of this paper: the United States uses smart power as a tool of foreign policy towards China after 2009. Smart power is based on the principle when in a given situation the appropriate tool or combination of tools is selected in order to reach successful and effective foreign policy. While the smart power is neither hard nor soft power, it is often described as the method of power application, but not as a new form of power. The tools of smart power include both hard power and soft power tools, between which there are diplomatic, economic, military, political, legal and cultural instruments. The results of official U.S. rhetorics analyses suggest that smart power is declared as a foreign policy of U.S. towards China tool after 2009. Both the National Security Strategy and the official rhetoric of the highest officials suggest that the United States seeks to strengthen soft power tools, which became the priority, together with well-developed hard power. However, according to experts on international relations, the use of smart power in U.S. relations with China after 2009 is unimportant part of foreign policy. Smart power is an appropriate term to describe U.S foreign policy towards China after 2009, but it is not relevant during the process of policy formation.

In the communication of policies, media presents the main source of public information, providing explanation and assessment of current social and political developments along with daily news reports. Media's role becomes especially prominent during periods of crises, which lead to social insecurity. Lithuania has seen a period of the growth in significance of the role of media in 2008, during the economic crisis, when a transformation in public policy took place. It impacted rise of poverty. At the same time the structural changes of media themselves were gaining momentum. The question of what the role of the newly emerged internet dailies is, as the significance of communication in public policy processes under late capitalism grows, becomes particularly relevant with regard to poverty reduction policies, whose task is to absorb the possible consequences of economic crisis and transformations of public policy. Within the paradigm of Critical Realism, which refuses to recognize democratising media's role in public policy making as self-evident, the study of framing of poverty using critical discourse analysis was conducted. It is concluded that Lithuanian internet dailies act rather as facilitators of policy changes which during crisis were directed towards minimising state's role in securing well-being of citizens. At the same time media's interest in journalistic professionalism was overridden by market concerns. And also the effects of online media's global character are quite obvious. There is clear tendency to decontextualise news which means that the geographical proximity no longer serves as a criterion for news selection — or at least that it is not as relevant as it used to be.

In the communication of policies, media presents the main source of public information, providing explanation and assessment of current social and political developments along with daily news reports. Media's role becomes especially prominent during periods of crises, which lead to social insecurity. Lithuania has seen a period of the growth in significance of the role of media in 2008, during the economic crisis, when a transformation in public policy took place. It impacted rise of poverty. At the same time the structural changes of media themselves were gaining momentum. The question of what the role of the newly emerged internet dailies is, as the significance of communication in public policy processes under late capitalism grows, becomes particularly relevant with regard to poverty reduction policies, whose task is to absorb the possible consequences of economic crisis and transformations of public policy. Within the paradigm of Critical Realism, which refuses to recognize democratising media's role in public policy making as self-evident, the study of framing of poverty using critical discourse analysis was conducted. It is concluded that Lithuanian internet dailies act rather as facilitators of policy changes which during crisis were directed towards minimising state's role in securing well-being of citizens. At the same time media's interest in journalistic professionalism was overridden by market concerns. And also the effects of online media's global character are quite obvious. There is clear tendency to decontextualise news which means that the geographical proximity no longer serves as a criterion for news selection — or at least that it is not as relevant as it used to be.

In the communication of policies, media presents the main source of public information, providing explanation and assessment of current social and political developments along with daily news reports. Media's role becomes especially prominent during periods of crises, which lead to social insecurity. Lithuania has seen a period of the growth in significance of the role of media in 2008, during the economic crisis, when a transformation in public policy took place. It impacted rise of poverty. At the same time the structural changes of media themselves were gaining momentum. The question of what the role of the newly emerged internet dailies is, as the significance of communication in public policy processes under late capitalism grows, becomes particularly relevant with regard to poverty reduction policies, whose task is to absorb the possible consequences of economic crisis and transformations of public policy. Within the paradigm of Critical Realism, which refuses to recognize democratising media's role in public policy making as self-evident, the study of framing of poverty using critical discourse analysis was conducted. It is concluded that Lithuanian internet dailies act rather as facilitators of policy changes which during crisis were directed towards minimising state's role in securing well-being of citizens. At the same time media's interest in journalistic professionalism was overridden by market concerns. And also the effects of online media's global character are quite obvious. There is clear tendency to decontextualise news which means that the geographical proximity no longer serves as a criterion for news selection — or at least that it is not as relevant as it used to be.

In the communication of policies, media presents the main source of public information, providing explanation and assessment of current social and political developments along with daily news reports. Media's role becomes especially prominent during periods of crises, which lead to social insecurity. Lithuania has seen a period of the growth in significance of the role of media in 2008, during the economic crisis, when a transformation in public policy took place. It impacted rise of poverty. At the same time the structural changes of media themselves were gaining momentum. The question of what the role of the newly emerged internet dailies is, as the significance of communication in public policy processes under late capitalism grows, becomes particularly relevant with regard to poverty reduction policies, whose task is to absorb the possible consequences of economic crisis and transformations of public policy. Within the paradigm of Critical Realism, which refuses to recognize democratising media's role in public policy making as self-evident, the study of framing of poverty using critical discourse analysis was conducted. It is concluded that Lithuanian internet dailies act rather as facilitators of policy changes which during crisis were directed towards minimising state's role in securing well-being of citizens. At the same time media's interest in journalistic professionalism was overridden by market concerns. And also the effects of online media's global character are quite obvious. There is clear tendency to decontextualise news which means that the geographical proximity no longer serves as a criterion for news selection — or at least that it is not as relevant as it used to be.

In the communication of policies, media presents the main source of public information, providing explanation and assessment of current social and political developments along with daily news reports. Media's role becomes especially prominent during periods of crises, which lead to social insecurity. Lithuania has seen a period of the growth in significance of the role of media in 2008, during the economic crisis, when a transformation in public policy took place. It impacted rise of poverty. At the same time the structural changes of media themselves were gaining momentum. The question of what the role of the newly emerged internet dailies is, as the significance of communication in public policy processes under late capitalism grows, becomes particularly relevant with regard to poverty reduction policies, whose task is to absorb the possible consequences of economic crisis and transformations of public policy. Within the paradigm of Critical Realism, which refuses to recognize democratising media's role in public policy making as self-evident, the study of framing of poverty using critical discourse analysis was conducted. It is concluded that Lithuanian internet dailies act rather as facilitators of policy changes which during crisis were directed towards minimising state's role in securing well-being of citizens. At the same time media's interest in journalistic professionalism was overridden by market concerns. And also the effects of online media's global character are quite obvious. There is clear tendency to decontextualise news which means that the geographical proximity no longer serves as a criterion for news selection — or at least that it is not as relevant as it used to be.