O poimanju ljudske prirode u Machiavellijevu djelu možemo govoriti na dvije razine. Prva je razina njegov temeljni antropološki pesimizam. Polazna je točka Machiavellijeve političke filozofije da su ljudi po prirodi skloni zlu, što, kako navodi u Raspravama o prvoj dekadi Tita Livija, kao početnu pretpostavku mora uzeti i svaki zakonodavac. Na drugoj razini, narav je pojedinoga čovjeka po njemu bitno nepromjenjiva pa kada se ona slaže s vremenima, on uspijeva (primjer pape Julija II.), a kada je u neskladu s onim što zahtijeva kontekst, neuspjeh je neizbježan. Na nizu primjera iz Machiavellijevih djela pokazuje se da je njegov pesimistički uvid u ljudsku prirodu temelj na kojem se gradi cijela njegova politička teorija. Zlu i sebičnosti sklona ljudska priroda objašnjenje je za stvaranja zajednice, zakona i državnih institucija, ali i dinamike koja dovodi do njihovog kvarenja i propasti. ; The concept of human nature in Machiavelli's work can be discussed on two levels. The first level regards its fundamental anthropological pessimism. The starting points of Machiavelli's political philosophy is that people are inclined by nature to be evil, which, as quoted in The Discourses on Livy, must be taken as a starting assumption by every legislator. On the second level, the nature of a particular man is essentially unchangeable, and thus when it agrees with the times, he succeeds (Pope Julius II being an example), and when a man is in contradiction with what is required by the context, failure is inevitable. Many examples from Machiavelli's work show that his pessimistic insight into human nature is the foundation upon which his entire political theory is built. The human nature, prone to evil and selfishness, is the explanation for the creation of communities, laws and state institutions, but also for the dynamics that lead to their decay and destruction.
Thucydides is considered to be the founder of political realism. Even in those times he determined the basic premises of realism - security and survival. He made an impact on subsequent development of realism embodied in the works of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Morgenthau, Car, Niebuhr, Aaron, Waltz etc. They will call the system of international relations as anarchical one since there is no supreme arbitrator which will force states to adequate behaviour. His views of realism were given in the volume 'The Peloponnesian War' where he had determined the anarchy of the relationships among states. Such system did not rely on justice and morale, but force and power were the predominant facts. He also introduces the category of just wars by claiming that Sparta led a just war against the increased power of Athens, and observed morale principles. Nevertheless, Thucydides faces contradictory, since Sparta itself as the largest land force of that time had to use force in order to beat Athens. He went ahead since he considered force and power as a necessary condition to achieve other objectives, which was later on adopted by Raymond Aaron. Following the example of the war between Athens and Sparta, he successfully analysed bipolar system of balance of power in which the conflict between the leading members of the two opposite blocks was possible in the end, while beforehand there should have been conflicts among weaker members of both blocks. Thucydides explained the manifestation of force and power using example of the Melian dialogue between the envoys of Athens and Melos. It was about the pure politics of force of Athens regardless of the fact that Melos had its independence.
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.
Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.
In the 1960s, the quantity of publications on aesthetics of music significantly increased in Hungary. The variability of the subjects, the approaches and the opinions are result of an explicit ideological reordering based on the consequently articulated politics of anti-Stalinism. By the mid-sixties the economic founding and sustainability of socialism and its optimized operation became the crucial problem for the power, hence the importance of natural and social sciences increased in the public discourses. The arts were no longer treated as mere illustrations of the political power and its intentions. I focus on the main contributions to aesthetics of music of the so-called creative Marxism written by three internationally acknowledged Hungarian scholars of this period: József Ujfalussy, Dénes Zoltai and János Maróthy. Selected texts are analized from theoretical points of view and interpreted in the context of the Hungarian cultural policy and the national and international career of their authors as well. ; Током шездесетих година прошлог века, број публикација о естетици музике значајно се повећао у Мађарској. Разноврсност тема, приступа и мишљења резултат је експлицитног идеолошког престројавања услед артикулације политике антистаљинизма. Будући да су средином шездесетих година економска утемељеност и одрживост социјализма и његова оптимизација постале кључни проблем власти, порастао је значај природних и друштвених наука у јавним дискурсима. Уметност више није третирана као пука илустрација политичке моћи и њених циљева. У овом раду фокусирам се на главне доприносе естетици музике од стране заступника тзв. креативног марксизма; аутори чије радове разматрам јесу три међународно призната мађарска естетичара из овог раздобља. Одабрани текстови анализирани су са теоријског становишта и интерпретирани у контексту мађарске културне политике, као и националне и међународне каријере аутора. На основу семиналне књиге Музичка слика стварности (1962) испитујем како се Јожеф Ујфалуси (József Ujfalussy) обавезао да ће конкретизовати основне категорије опште естетике марксизма-лењинизма у музици, да би створио музичко-теоријску основу за дебате о (социјалистичком) реализму у музици. Као резултат својих истраживања, Ујфалуси је разрадио интерпретацију категорије интонације, која садржи психолошке, неурофизиолошке и акустичке компоненте, као и разматрања о историји музичког материјала, мелодији, хармонији и жанровима уопште. Према мојој хипотези, његова естетика је од велике важности јер је послужила као чврста основа за Бартокову парадигму културне политике која се опрезно оријентисала према Западу и његовој "буржоаској" култури. Ову тенденцију је додатно развио Денеш Золтаи (Dénes Zoltai). У овом сегменту текста истражујем како је Золтаи заговарао антидогматску и либерализовану теорију уметности у својој збирци радова Превазилажење "књижевноцентричности" социјалистичког реализма (1964), у којој је музика коришћена као методолошка основа (а не књижевност). У својим написима он је изнео и ново тумачење националног карактера социјалистичке културе, наглашавајући важност интеграције разних дивергентних националних традиција буржоаске уметности. У овом раду, Золтаи се изричито позвао на политички маргинализованог, светски познатог филозофа и естетичара Ђерђа Лукаша (György Lukács), који је са ентузијазмом заговарао оријентацију социјалистичке музичке културе према Бартоковом духу и укупном опусу. Књига Музика и буржоазија, музика и пролетеријат (1966) коју је написао Јанош Мароти (János Maróthy) такође је престављала фундаменталан допринос мултидисциплинарном успостављању марксистичке музикологије у Мађарској. Интегришући неке резултате Ујфалусија и Золтаја, Мароти је конструисао наратив који је требало да буде предисторија социјалистичког реализма. Услед његових политички мотивисаних и застарелих ставова о функцији уметности,као и делимично телеолошког и нормативног карактера његове теорије, ова књига се изразито супротставља другим двема књигама које су предмет овог разматрања. Упоређивањем комплементарних и супротстављених елемената ових дела и њихове рецепције, постају нам разумљиви теоријски проблеми реализма и социјалистичке музичке културе тог времена, а може се видети и како су марксистички теоретичари покушавали да пронађу везу између савремених изазова и европских традиција. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization
Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.
On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.
On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.
The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's "Treatise on perpetual peace", the author attempts to evoke and actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature and political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, i.e. the insuperable chasm between good and evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states and the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity and plurality are the foundations of the world peace. (SOI : PM: S. 18)
Prvi hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman vodio je vrlo zanimljivu i kompleksnu vanjsku politiku. Njegovu vanjsku politiku obilježio je Domovinski rat te rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. Franjo Tuđman je vodio hrvatsku narod kroz jedan od najtežih perioda u njegovoj povijesti te je iza njega ostalo mnoštvo upitnika. U ovom radu će se, kroz prizmu realizma, analizirati određena dijela Franje Tuđmana i odnosi koje je vodio sa Srbijom te Bosnom i Hercegovinom, te će se, na temelju te analize, pokušati ponuditi odgovor na pitanje kakva je njegova vanjska politika uistinu bila, odnosno je li ona stvarno bila realistička. ; The first Croatian President Franjo Tuđman has lead a very interesting and complex foreign policy. His foreign policy was marked by the Homeland War and the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Franjo Tuđman led the Croatian people through one of the most difficult times in Croatias history and behind him remained a multitude of questions. In this paper, through the prism of realism, we will analyze certain academic works of Franjo Tuđman and the relations he has strived to build with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and on that analysis will try to offer an answer to the question of what his foreign policy really was and was it really realistic.
