Suchergebnisse

The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.

The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.

The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.

The commitment to the rational actor model of state behavior is said to be a core assumption of realist theory. This assumption is listed in most textbook accounts of realism. Yet is rationality a core supposition of realist theory, and if so, what kind of rationality is implied in these claims? Debate on the relationship between realism, and what is often labeled as rationality is replete with misunderstandings. Authors deploy terms such as rationality, rationalism, and rational actor in diverse and contradictory ways. This article aims to cut through this confusion and provide an account of the different ways in which these terms are used in the field of International Relations (IR). We argue that much of the confusion surrounding rationalism/rationality in IR arises due to a failure to distinguish between rationalism as an epistemological position (the observer rationality assumption) and rationality as an ontological position (the rational actor assumption). We use this distinction to examine carefully the relationship between the concepts of rationalism/rationality in realist theory.

Recent re-readings of classical realism in International Relations have demonstrated that in their critique of modernity, mid-twentieth century realists put their focus on the development of a (self)critical and sceptical epistemology, a focus that often has been of little concern to other International Relations theories. So far, however, this debate on classical realism has not further elaborated realist methodologies, although this has the potential to make the current theoretical debate more accessible for empirical investigations. To this end, this article argues that mid-twentieth century realists pursued a method of unlearning. Unlearning is being understood as the critique and moving beyond the modern imaginary which preconditions everyday knowledge and intellectual thought in a dehumanizing way through a learning process based upon the study of classical texts. Examining the work of Hans Morgenthau, and the evocative if generally under-appreciated writings of the Japanese thinker Maruyama Masao, the article argues that unlearning is an important part of critical realist thinking.

The history of the CIAM organization and of its breakaway group Team 10 is one of the best documented and researched themes in recent architectural historiography, thanks to well-organized archives and doctoral programs. Its main protagonists, conferences, internal conflicts, communication and organizational systems have been discussed in numerous publications. Still, the method of dichotomization – generational conflicts, political divisions – tends to divert the attention from continuities and from the complex interrelations between the various lines of thought in- and outside CIAM. The lecture will trace three notions as three threads in the web: ruralism, humanism, and realism, to show their constitutive and transformative role in the fabric of post-war architecture. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Editing Wikipedia is probably the best way for historians of science to spend their working hours. I became an historian of science because the history (and philosophy and sociology) of science (and medicine and technology) touches on virtually every important social and political issue in the modern world. I wanted to help put the field where it ought to be, at the center of any program of liberal and/or scientific education—part of the baseline of cultural literacy. When I entered grad school, it was a great letdown to realize just how small a part of academic life involves reaching beyond the walls of academe. Public service is not part of the scholar social role until one reaches full professor, if ever. But while my original motivation to edit Wikipedia was an impulse toward service (along with the desire for an audience), that is not primarily why it is incumbent upon scholars in the history of science and her sister fields to join me.

The new century with the dynamics of international relations has challenged theories, as it called Popper 'strict universality' and the need for 'numerical universality' theoretical explanations. In the twentieth century, theories of international relations developed, but these theories are in the battle with explanation changes rather than expanding the theoretical framework. The need for new explanations doesn't reject old theories, only requires their axioms to be more inter-theoretical and with new variables that explain the course of the deliberate actions of state actors to the intended purpose. So this theoretical change and the acquisition of some realistic axioms, by adding inter-theoretic variables (pragmatism, foreign policy analysis, offensive realism, and defensive realism), sends us to a theorization we have called "spider diplomacy". Almond in the 1960s considered that "with the decline of the norms and traditions of political sciences, the need for political theory and theories has increased", where we find the same situation today for explaining the new geopolitical and geostrategic circumstances. Therefore, these circumstances we try to explain, through "spider diplomacy" as a hybrid theory for empirical, inductive, probable and testable studies based on three initiatives of international subjects (from state actors to non-state actors, from state actors to other actors' state, and mix). In this research, we have analyzed the causes and the chronology of a diplomatic network, the wild stretch that Russia is trying to make today and Serbia in the new state of Kosovo. But for the illustration, we have taken another example from the past. One of Israel's wars with Arab countries. We have found verifiable, pragmatic and analytical results that prove the "spider diplomacy" scheme is needed.

The legitimacy of government is often linked to its ability to maintain order and secure peace. Thomas Hobbes' political philosophy provides a clear description of why government is necessary, as human nature and the structures emerging out of human social interaction are such that order and peace will not naturally emerge to a sufficient degree. Hobbes' general argument is often accepted at the national level, but in this article, I explore why a Hobbesian argument for the international level—an argument for world government—is deducible from his philosophy. Hobbes builds his philosophy on his conception of human nature and argues that individuals' interests and preferences should be the determinant for evaluating the value of a political entity. By emphasising these aspects of Hobbes' theory, I argue that several contemporary phenomena suggest that a world government could be preferable to the states system. The cases used are the outbreak of war in Europe in 2022 and the continuing and accelerating environmental crisis. Through this examination, the continued relevance of Hobbes' political philosophy is demonstrated, and according to Hobbes' own logic, those who accept the argument should also seek to implement such a solution.

This article is an almost verbatim version of the E.H. Carr Memorial Lecture delivered at Aberystwyth on 14 October 2004. I argue that Carr's central claims in The Twenty Years' Crisis are still relevant today. He maintained in that classic realist work that states are the main actors in world politics and that they are deeply committed to pursuing power at each other's expense. He also argued that British intellectual life in his day was dominated by idealists who largely ignored power politics. Despite the great changes that have taken place in the world since 1939, when The Twenty Years' Crisis was published, states still dominate the international system and they still pay careful attention to the balance of power. Furthermore, idealists now dominate international relations scholarship in Britain, more so than they did in the late 1930s. Indeed, it is hard to find a realist theorist in the contemporary British academy, a situation that would almost surely shock Carr were he alive today. This powerful bias against realism, I argue, is intellectually foolhardy and hurts not only students but the idealist scholars who so dislike realism.

This article examines the phenomenon of Chinese realism, as well as the prerequisites and factors that influenced the processes of reception in modern Chinese art. At the beginning of the 20th century, under the influence of Western academic realism and the artistic system of social realism, a new direction and artistic method was formed — realism, which became mainstream in the art of China of the mid-20th century. According to its aesthetic and ideological motifs, Chinese realism is an object of social realism reception, which was determined by cultural and historical factors, and the development of political, economic and cultural ties with the USSR. Studying the realistic painting, which reflects the atmosphere of the era, the worldview, and the dialogue of cultures, is relevant for both Chinese and Russian contemporary art studies. The article examines the role of realism in the development of Chinese art culture of the 20th century, including its socio-political components, as well as the dynamics of artistic and expressive means and the iconographic system in the context of the historical and cultural situation. In the 1980s and 1990s, as a result of the liberalization of economic and political life, the artistic consciousness formed new concepts of realistic painting — neorealism and cynical realism, associated with a critical rethinking of the historical heritage. The neorealism and cynical realism, which would significantly enrich realistic painting with new forms and content, adopted Western postmodern concepts of pop art, and debunked, in a grotesque and satirical form, the political stereotypes of the past. The analysis of realistic painting of the 1990s demonstrates how the transformation of past painting canons reflects the desire of society to free itself from the pressure of totalitarian ideology and to rethink the value orientations of the previous era.The novelty of this study lies in the fact that it applies a systematic and holistic approach to the analysis of realism in Chinese painting, reveals the diversity of its forms and directions, and gives ground for the specifics of its evolution in the context of the artistic culture of the 20th century China. There are almost no comprehensive studies of this issue in modern art history, so this work is an attempt to create a scientific approach to the study of this artistic phenomenon and the formation of ideas about how the artistic consciousness of an entire epoch was changing.

This paper was accepted for publication in the journal Media, Culture and Society and the definitive published version is available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443716671494 ; In this response to our critics and fellow-travellers we reaffirm our claim that contemporary media studies should reinvent a critical concept of ideology. We do this through addressing some of the problems with older critical conceptions of ideology and suggesting potentially fruitful ways forward through engaging with research traditions that have become neglected or are overlooked in the field. This avowedly inter-disciplinary position draws on political philosophy, critical realism, ordinary language philosophy, and discursive psychology. At the end of the essay we show how a critical concept of ideology can be applied in analysis of news reporting.

Realismo è sicuramente uno dei termini più usati e abusati del lessico politico. Dopo aver mostrato come venga spesso interpretato come una visione cinica o a-morale della politica, la voce metterà in luce tanto gli elementi essenziali del "realismo cristiano", quanto la presenza di un tale concetto all'interno della dottrina sociale della Chiesa. Inoltre, la voce proverà a dimostrare come il "realismo cristiano" rappresenti un utile strumento per sviluppare un più adeguato intendimento della politica che possa allontanare facili illusioni o comportamenti cinici. ; Realism is one of the most used and abused concepts in the political lexicon. It is often interpreted as a cynical or a-moral view of politics. This dictionary entry provides the essential elements of "Christian realism", and shows its presence within the Social Doctrine of the Church. By rejecting both the traps of a cynical realism and the illusions of a sentimental idealism, "Christian realism" allows for a better understanding and a more adequate praxis of politics.

The authors investigate brand advertising as an instrument of class politics, used to shape perceptions of and beliefs about social groups, specifically the working class. These images are consistent with the prescriptions of capitalist realism. The authors content-analyze representations of the working class drawn from a random sample of ads from 1950 to 2010. Quantitative results are compared to a variety of secondary data sources, including the General Social Survey and public opinion polling. The authors find that representations of the working class do not closely follow social, political, or economic changes. If anything, increasingly nostalgic images contradict the disappearance of blue-collar jobs. The authors examine the ads in more depth to explain why the content does not align with objective reality, identifying a variety of tableaus commonly used in representations of the working class that are consistent with capitalist realism and myths of the American class structure.