Suchergebnisse

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

Kao rezultat izbora 2005. Pravo i pravda (PIS) postaje dominantna stranka u poljskom parlamentu s dominantnom braćom Kaczyński na čelu. Od 2007. do 2015. je oporbena politička sila, a onda 2015. uvjerljivom većinom i u donjem i u gornjem domu parlamenta opet dolazi na vlast. PiS je radikalna stranka desne orijentacije ili desnog centra. Zbog svojih je radikalnih stavova često spominjan kao uzrok slabijeg razvoja Poljske i njenog slabog međunarodnog položaja. U radu se konzervativna vlast te stranke prikazuje s obzirom na neovisnost rada sudova, slobodu medija i zaštitu ljudskih prava i sloboda. Status zaštite ljudskih prava i stupanj demokracije utjecao je na odnos EU prema Poljskoj, a nacionalizam PiS-a na odnos Poljske prema EU, Rusiji, Njemačkoj i ukupnoj međunarodnoj zajednici. ; As a result of the 2005 election, the Law and Justice party (abbreviated as PiS in Polish for Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) became the dominant party in the Polish parliament under the leadership of the Kaczyński brothers, Lech and Jaroslaw. From 2007 to 2015, PiS was a force in its role as the political opposition. It came to power again in 2015 after winning persuasive majorities in the Lower and Upper Houses. PiS is a radical party of right or center-right orientation. Because of its radical positions, it often is mentioned as a cause of Poland's weaker national development and international status. This work discusses the party's conservative government with regard to the relationship between legislative and judicial authorities, freedom of the media, and the protection of human rights. Poland's state of human rights protection and its degree of democracy has influenced its relationship with the EU. PiS's nationalism also has had an impact on Poland's relations with the EU, Russia, Germany, and the larger international community.

In Hobbes' Theory of Authorization I it was shown how Hobbes, by means of his theory of authorization, managed to resolve the difficult points which, in the previous formulations of his science of politics, weighed on the issue of creation of the state conceived as a doubly impersonal apparatus relying on the representative relation between the sovereign & the subjects. In this text the author re-examines both the approach & the conclusion of his research through critical inquiry into Quentin Skinner's & Hanna Pitkin's interpretations of Hobbes' understanding of representation. In his recent works, Skinner attempted to demonstrate that it had to be interpreted, above all, as an instrument in the ideological conflict between the republicans & the monarchists in England in Hobbes' time. Hanna Pitkin, in turn, brought into question the representative character of sovereign power. As opposed to both of them, the author expounds the thesis that, in order to be understood properly, the theory of authorization must be examined within the more comprehensive framework of Hobbes' science of politics & thus brought in connection with other important elements of its problem-matter, such as the right to punish, the relation between the sovereign's rights & the subjects' freedom, & the duties of the sovereign. By interpreting the theory of authorization primarily as part of a system which is conditioned by & co-formative of the logic of the study as a whole, this text strives to show that the authorization-based relation between the sovereign & the subjects, in spite of the fact that one-sided authorization on the part of the subjects established a sovereign who has no legal obligations to them, is indeed determined by the logic of representation. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom članku autor je na temelju postojeće literature, arhivskog gradiva i tiska pokušao rekonstruirati gdje su bila uporišta i tko su bili nositelji "frankovačke" stranke u Srijemskoj županiji uoči Prvoga svjetskoga rata. Kao polazišna točka poslužili su naknadni izbori u Cerni, jednom od izbornih kotara ove županije, održani 1907, na kojima je "frankovačka" stranka zabilježila svoj prvi izborni uspjeh u toj županiji, a kao zaključna točka posljednji redovni saborski izbori u banskoj Hrvatskoj, održani 1913. godine. Prateći izborne rezultate "frankovačke" stranke u Srijemskoj županiji u ovom razdoblju, te stavljajući ih u kontekst etničke strukture pojedinih izbornih kotara i odnosa političkih snaga u njima, autor je pokušao odgovoriti na pitanje je li navedeni izborni uspjeh ove stranke iz 1907. godine bio prolaznog karaktera ili je značio trajnu utemeljenost "frankovačke" stranke i njezinog, ekskluzivno hrvatskog nacionalno-političkog programa u Srijemskoj županiji. ; Taking as his point of departure the circumstance that before World War I the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights) was the only political party in Croatia consistently representing the national-political programme in the spirit of the Pravaši, in this paper the author has attempted to give an answer to the question how much influence this party had in Srijem County during that period. This was a county that out of all the Croatian counties, primarily due to its ethnic structure, was the least open to that programme. Its ethnic structure, with the Croats making up only a quarter of the population and the Serbs being dominant in the majority of the administrative and electoral districts, greatly contributed to the strengthening of the unionist and Greater Serbian programme and caused the relatively late emergence of the "Frankovci" party and its programme in this area. For the same reasons, any stronger influence of this party remained confined to the western part of the County with a Croatian majority (administrative districts Vinkovci and Županja) and to a much lesser extent to islands with a Croatian majority within the mostly Serbian populated parts of the rest of the County. The greatest influence of the party was exerted in the territory of Vinkovci and to a lesser extent in Županja where in the above period a stronger influence had been achieved by Croatian parties that had abandoned the principles of the Party of Rights (Croatian Party of Rights) or had never even espoused these principles (the Croatian People's Peasant Party).

A Croatian translation of the fifth chapter in Oakeshott's classical study "Introduction to Leviathan," originally published in 1946 & aimed at interpreting Thomas Hobbes' political theory. Oakeshott's Hobbes on Civil Association (Indianopolis: Libert Fund, 2000) is utilized as the source for this translation. The basic tenets of Hobbes political philosophy are outlined, including the mechanistic premise underlying the nature & behavior of men. Hobbes's arguments that life is a race & selfish endeavor led to the conclusion that state & statute law, not the individual nor the Church, can arrange order in human life. Hobbes proposes a variation on the social contract theory in which he develops the rationale of civil society, showing how civil society could be reconstructed as a simple mechanical system & absolutism successfully argued as the only rationally defensible form of government. In Hobbes's account, the social contract explains civil society in terms of its most simple elements, in particular the individual natural rights to self-preservation & enjoyment of life. The mutual transferring of such rights is a contract by which individuals abide in a civil society under a sovereign's rule. R. Young

The cleavages at the EU level can be defined by means of two dimensions: the first dimension is the left-right conflict & the second is the national-supranational conflict. Between the left & the supranational dimension there are political actors who advocate the policy of regulated capitalism while along the right-national dimension there are the partisans of the neoliberal approach. While the first think that the strengthening of the EU institutions is justified (the supranational level) & they champion the legislation that emphasizes the social-democratic dimension, the neoliberals promote the deregulation of economic activities at the EU level & the strengthening of the roles of national governments. Ideologically, the sympathizers of the regulated capitalism are represented by social-democratic & socialist parties, while the neoliberal model enjoyers the support of a wide array of populist, Christian-democrat, liberal & conservative political parties. Since the 1988 reform, the EU regional policy has been increasingly seen as a vehicle of the supporters of the regulated capitalism. At the same time, the regional policy facilitates a number of interactions based on the cooperation of the supranational, national & regional bodies. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Tijekom revolucionarnih previranja 1848.-1849. u Habsburškoj Monarhiji u duhu liberalnih ideja, među ostalima, izneseni su zahtjevi za donošenjem ustava i uvođenjem građanskih i političkih sloboda i prava. Među navedenim slobodama i pravima posebno mjesto zauzimale su sloboda tiska i s njom povezane sloboda izražavanja misli u usmenom i pismenom obliku, vjerska i nacionalna jednakopravnost te sloboda učenja i poučavanja. Revolucionarnim pobunama potaknuto ostvarenje tih zahtjeva stvorio je pozitivnu atmosferu i omogućilo formuliranje i provođenje modernizacijskih reformi u školstvu Habsburške Monarhije, a vrlo pozitivno odrazilo se i na hrvatsko školstvo. Uvođenje slobode tiska dalo je snažan zamah razvoju tiska u Hrvatskoj i jačanju uloge javnog mnijenja. Zagrebački politički listovi od početka 1848. godine postaju forum u kojemu prosvjetni djelatnici i intelektualci različitih profesija raspravljaju o ulozi škole u društvu, odnosu škole i Katoličke crkve, prikazuju aktualno stanje u hrvatskome školstvu i donose prijedloge i konkretne mjere za njegovo poboljšanje. U to vrijeme organiziraju se prvi sastanci učitelja na kojima su raspravljali o svom profesionalnom statusu i problemima struke. Prosvjetni odsjek Banskoga vijeća (de facto samostalne hrvatske vlade od rujna 1848. do lipnja 1850.) rukovodio je svim poslovima vezanima za školstvo i, unatoč brojnim objektivnim ograničenjima, uveo je hrvatski kao nastavni jezik u većinu škola u Hrvatskoj, ostvario je određene uspjehe u izdavanju školskih udžbenika na hrvatskom jeziku, provodio je zapošljavanje učitelja na temelju javnih natječaja i provjere profesionalne osposobljenosti kandidata neovisno o njihovoj vjerskoj pripadnosti i društvenom statusu, rješavao je financijske probleme škola i učitelja, i donošenjem zakonske osnove o ustroju hrvatskog školstva 1849. godine (prema austrijskoj liberalnoj osnovi o preustroju školstva na svim razinama) postavio je temelj za daljnju modernizaciju hrvatskog školstva. ; This paper presents how the 1848 – 1849 revolutionary turmoil gave rise to the political and social atmosphere that enabled the realisation of certain liberal ideas, political rights and freedoms, freedom of learning and instruction among others, and gave the crucial incentive for the beginning of modernisation reforms in the education system of the Habsburg Monarchy and Croatia.

If it is true that a systematic understanding of modern society cannot be constituted without relying on the major works of the political thinking of modernity, the opposite is also true, ie., that none of those works cannot be properly understood unless from the viewpoint of a developed theory of modernity. In his General Theory of Modernity, Jacques Bidet points out that his metastructural theory of the modern epoch finally makes it possible to critically reexamine & reconstruct the entire "political metaphysics" of modernity. His intention is sufficiently (at the very least) outlined in his interpretations of Hobbes, Spinoza, Locke, Rousseau, Kant & Hegel. The author singles out Bidet's pregnant interpretation of Hobbes, & faces the question: what is to be done with the Leviathan? The first part of the article gives a detailed account of Bidet's basic hypotheses & insights into Hobbes' crucial role in finding an adequate conceptual definition of the logical starting point of exposition of the theory of modernity as a purely discursive relation in the formula of the social agreement. The second part puts forward a critical appraisal of Bidet's key reconstructional thesis that Hobbes' theory of authorization is perceived as the actual logical starting point of exposition of metastructural theory categories. In part three it is shown that Hobbes' theory of political representation & authorization could indeed be the starting point to a political theory of modernity (because it establishes man as the "author" of politics, & his representative or the sovereign as his "actor" or representative). In the author's judgment, Bidet's reconstructional thesis, which denies the epistemological status of the "natural state" as the first & most general concept in the sequence of exposition, is not valid. In the natural state, man's nature is not ahistorically postulated as that of a wolf; it is essentially dual. At issue here is primarily the modern man (and not merely man in general) in the epochal constellation wherein he, simultaneously & contradictorily, exists as a particular individual (bourgeois), which pursues his natural right, & as a moral subject (a Christian believer), which, as a being of conscience, fathoms & follows the imperatives of the natural or moral or divine laws. Precisely this duality, his inner cleavage of modern man, is also the starting supposition of Hobbes' theory of modernity encompassed in the key concept of the "natural state." In view of Bidet's argumentation, & relying above all on Zarka's fundamental interpretation of Hobbes' political philosophy as semiology of power, we are constantly faced with the Leviathan as an incomparable challenge to our cognitive faculty. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the impact of exercising the right to access to information & respecting of transparency for the prevention of corruption in the EU institutions. These two issues are the key principles of good governance & basic prerequisites for democratic participation, allowing citizens to effectively protect their fundamental rights & liberties through public scrutiny. The EU standards are assessed by comparison with the internationally recognized standards, & five indicators have been used: the scope of the right to access, the scope of exceptions, the administrative & appeal procedure, the protection of whistleblowers, administration performance openness & political will. The author wonders if the adopted regulations & rules of procedure are strict enough to prevent emergence of corruption & maladministration in the EU institutions. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows the importance of Hobbes' political thought in formulating the modern state. His contractual argument did not become obsolete as his scientific method. Hobbes breaks from the Aristotelian & natural rights tradition, or rather, he gives the concept of natural right an entirely new meaning. In this context the state of nature, contract & state are logical constructs, & not concepts in direct causal relationship. Hobbes' contract is not just a contract about the system of government; it is what society begins with. The contract is only the ground for the formation of the sociability of the individual, if it is at the same time the ground for establishing the government. The author emphasizes that, just like Kant, Hobbes & Locke consider leaving the state of nature necessary, not simply because of pragmatic reasons, but because the state has to legitimate itself as a claim of pure practical reason. Therefore, the author, following Kant, holds that the duty towards civil society & state cannot be based in the context of Hobbes' & Locke's philosophy, because, although the creation of state can be seen as an act of prudence, that in itself does not show a real obligation to pass from the state of nature to the state of law. The author also notes Hobbes' error in constructing a state independent from ownership. Contrary to him, Kant reasonably & legally bases theory of property as decisive part of his contractualism & creates a philosophical & legal foundation for the philosophy of the state. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article investigates the historical discourse of the pivotal political & ideological "turning points" defining the national identity of Dalmatian Italians. Each period is represented by some political figures from the ranks of Dalmatian Italians such as Bajamonti, Duplancich & others. Some were (since 1848) nationally aware Italians opposed to the Austrian rule, e.g. Duplancich, Bajamonti or Nani. Others, also nationally aware Italians were fond of Austria more than of Italy e.g. Lapenna or Trigari, & were undecisive in their unequivocal adoption of the Italian identity. & finally, the third group, mostly of Slavic extraction e.g. Tommaseo, Marassovich & a plethora of Slavo-Dalmatians. "took on" the Italian national identity by gradually adopting Italian culture, usually through education. The prevalence of the Italian culture & the language, the domination of Italianists in municipal assemblies but also the systematic efforts & the gradual affirmation of the populist i.e. Croatian component, made for the dynamic political configuration of the then Dalmatia in which about 20,000 Italians were electorally privileged in relation to more than 400,000 Croats, & consequently were able to control the regional Sabor (parliament) & the municipal councils. The Dalmatian identity was largely identified as a superior urban civilization as opposed to the despised countryside beyond the city walls. Unlike the populist autonomism of Split, imbued with a powerful sense of campanilism. the Zadar autonomism was imposed from above with the purpose of unifying the elites of ethnic Italians, Germans & Croats. Since Zadar prevailed, its ideology of Dalmatianism led to Italianization, irredentism & eventually to the exodus of those whose Italian identity option was considered dominant & "the only right one.". Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The text is discussing the possibility of Welfare State reactualization in the perspective of global economic crisis which endangers the neoliberal economic paradigm. First of all, the text represents the principles of the classic Welfare State model which was realized after the Second World War in Europe. The possibility of reactualization of some of these principles afterwards is investigated in the text. The essay comes to the conclusion that so called "Welfare Consensus" between moderated Left & moderated Right needs to be restored for creation of a large social basis which can enable one complex postneoliberal politics. This postneoliberal politics asks for a new economic paradigm, & this new paradigm can be founded only by a moderated Left & a moderated Right consensus, which was previously realized in the classic Welfare State as the defense against all adventurous political projects. Adapted from the source document.

Autorica u članku stavlja naglasak na analizu života i djelovanja dr. Pere Magdića (1863.–1922.), odvjetnika i političara pravaške orijentacije, u razdoblju nastanka i razvoja "modernoga pravaštva" u Varaždinu, njegova usmjerenja prema politici "novoga kursa" i stvaranju Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije. Ujedno je rad prikaz društveno-političkih prilika u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj u jeku previranja na prijelazu iz XIX. u XX. stoljeće. ; This paper analyses the life and work of Dr Pero Magdić (1863–1922), a lawyer and politician who accepted the Party of Right's ideology at the time when "Modern Rightism" was being created and developed in Varaždin, as well as his support for the "New Course" policy and the creation of the Croat- Serb Coalition. In addition, this work presents the socio-political situation in northwest Croatia on the turn of the 20th century. The first part of the text describes the social conditions of the rise of Rightism in Varaždin in the mid-1880s as a result of the discontent of the citizens of Varaždin with the slow modernisation of their region, which made it a peripheral part of the national and Central European space. The second part examines the effects of Khuen's growing autocracy on the ranks of his opposition, the echoes of the split in the Party of Right in Varaždin, and the reasons for Magdić's alignment with Folnegović's faction. The third part analyses the beginnings of the renewed affirmation of the opposition in Varaždin (1898–1905), in which Magdić played a key part. The events in Varaždin in 1903 confirmed him as one of the leaders of the opposition (but not the Pure Party of Right). His support for the Rijeka Resolution and the "New Course" policy allowed him to become a member of the Croatian Parliament on the list of the Croat-Serb Coalition in 1906 and to hold various important political offices, e.g. that of Deputy Speaker of the Croatian Parliament (two mandates; 1908–1910 and 1913–1918), Croatian representative at the Hungarian-Croatian Parliament in Budapest, and Mayor of Varaždin (1910, 1914–1918).