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The development of awareness of human rights is an important part of the process of the democratization of democracy: the development of citizens' participation, civil society, people's self-protection, self-development, & self-fulfillment. The awareness of rights should be understood as an awareness of "the right to the possibility" of personal action, & not only as the right to "unbounded" activity. Human rights should be understood as being empowered to realize the freedom for something & not only the freedom from something. That is why the awareness of human rights is increasingly becoming part of people's civic & democratic political culture. The research has shown how the human rights awareness increases the democratization potential of any country & that the development of this awareness does not depend so much on social demography (class, gender, education, age) -- though there are some inter-ethnic differences -- as on the leftist political inclinations. This has been corroborated by our survey of Croatian university students. The research has also shown that the average number of respected rights is relatively high in many countries, but that there are significant differences regarding certain rights. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Svrha ovoga rada bila je, da se utvrđivanjem razlika u djelovanju Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava) u varaždinskom i ludbreškom kotaru početkom 20. stoljeća, doprinese razumijevanju razlika, koje danas postoje između dviju hrvatskih regija, Varaždinštine i Podravine. Spomenute razlike autor je analizirao prvenstveno na temelju izbornih rezultata, kao i na temelju društvene strukture pristaša ove stranke, koju je pokušao rekonstruirati putem povezanosti istaknutih članova stranke, s pojedinim gospodarskim institucijama u ovim kotarima. U svom radu autor je primijetio, da je ova stranka prije prodrla u ludbreški nego u varaždinski kotar, da je u varaždinski kotar prodrla iz ludbreškog kotara, te da je u ludbreškom kotaru čvršće uporište stvorila samo u Ludbregu, dok je u varaždinskom kotaru čvrsta uporišta stvorila u njegovim seoskim općinama. Posljednja činjenica omogućila je prodor Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke u ludbreški kotar, te uzrokovala njezino zaustavljanje na granicama varaždinskog kotara. Polazeći od donedavne pripadnosti prostora varaždinskog kotara Podravini, te od postojeće definicije Podravine kao ishodišnog područja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke, autor je zaključio da je Čista stranka prava (Starčevićeva hrvatska stranka prava/Stranka prava), zaustavljajući prelijevanje utjecaja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke iz ludbreškog u varaždinski kotar, znatno doprinijela izdvajanju varaždinskog kotara u posebnu regiju, Varaždinštinu. ; This article aims to understand the differences between the two Croatian regions, Podravina and Varaždinština, based on differences in political activity of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Party of Rights/Party of Rights) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Varaždin and Ludbreg county. The author analyzed these differences based on the election results and the social structure of party members in both county. He noted that this party had previously penetrated into the Ludbreg rather than Varaždin county, that it penetrated into the Varaždin county from the Ludbreg county, and that in the Ludbreg county it created a stronger stronghold only in Ludbreg, while in the Varaždin county it created stronger stronghold in the countryside. This enabled the penetration of the Croatian People's Peasant Party into the Ludbreg county, and caused it to stop at the borders of the Varaždin county. The author started from the former affiliation of the Varaždin county to Podravina, and from the existing definition of Podravina as the startin area of the Croatian People's Peasant Party. Based on this he concluded that the Pure Party of Rights, stopping the overflow influence of the Croatian People's Peasant Party from Ludbreg to Varaždin county, significantly contributed to the separation of Varaždin county into a special region, Varaždinština.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

For many pre-20th-century legal & political authors, the crucial issue was to find the answers to the questions of why one cannot support every claim to the right of absolute rule & how to curtail power & authority. In this text, the author reviews the contribution of three classics of the modern debate on constitutionalism -- C. H. McIlwain, C. J. Friedrich, & F. A. Hayek -- whose political/legal theories represent the most glorious pages of the contemporary theory of state & rights & comparative political systems. Adapted from the source document.

of freedom of expression. However, they have also made it easier and faster than ever before to spread disinformation, misinformation, propaganda and fake news. Although these phenomena are not new, the impact they have had in recent years on political processes in democratic societies (e.g. the 2016 U.S. presidential election and Brexit) and on human behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic, has drawn attention to this issue. The aim of this paper is to highlight the problem of fake news as a human rights issue in the context of Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of expression. The paper provides a terminological and historical overview of the term fake news and related concepts. It also provides an overview of Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and clarifies the situations and conditions under which the restrictions on the freedom of expression are justified on the basis of Art. 10(2). The authors also provide an insight into the relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights. ; Internet i društvene mreže uvelike su pridonijeli ostvarivanju slobode izražavanja. No, olakšali su i ubrzali širenje dezinformacija, propagande i lažnih vijesti. Iako ovi fenomeni nisu novi, utjecaj koji su posljednjih godina imali na političke procese u demokratskim društvima (npr. na predsjedničke izbore u SAD-u 2016. i Brexit) i na ljudsko ponašanje tijekom pandemije bolesti COVID-19, skrenuli su pozornost na ovo pitanje. Cilj je ovog rada upozoriti na problem lažnih vijesti (fake news) u kontekstu čl. 10. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima koji jamči slobodu izražavanja. U radu se daje terminološki i povijesni pregled pojma fake news i srodnih pojmova. Zatim se daje pregled čl. 10. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima i pojašnjavaju situacije i uvjeti pod kojima su ograničenja prava na slobodu izražavanja opravdana na temelju njena čl. 10., st. 2. Autori pružaju uvid i u relevantnu praksu Europskog suda za ljudska prava.

The author analyzes the interpretations by Jean-Marie Guehenno & Helmut Willke of the end of the national state in the context of contemporary debates on globalization. The author thinks that both authors have come up with similar insights, particularly those regarding assessment of the functional role that may be analytically attributed to the national state in the present & the future. Although their observations coincide with the debates on globalization going on in political economy & political science, their conclusions are not in line with the special structure of political activity. Unlike their state/theoretical "Hegelianism" (Guehenno) & system theory functional definition of government activity (Willke), the author looks into the contemporary operation of the state from the legal/philosophical perspective. Adapted from the source document.

The relationship between democracy & human rights is twofold: on the one hand, the demand for democracy historically emerged as a result of increased individual rights -- & the democratic regimes were instituted as a guarantor of the protection of human rights. On the other hand, there is a tension between them, since within the democratic state human rights must be protected from the will of the majority. The author examines the complex relationship between democracy & human rights from three perspectives. First, he examines the connection between the right to political participation & the idea of human rights. This connection was unequivocally established only in the 20th century in the way that the right to the freedom of conscience was interpreted as the right to taking part in the political communication process that shapes a community's self-definition. However, whereas the right to democratic participation is morally undeniably founded, its concrete institutionalization is faced with numerous dilemmas & challenges. The author further analyzes the controversy between the liberal & the republican understanding of democracy & human rights. Liberals claim that the foundation of human rights in the law of nature requires universal respect, & that democracy is a rather challenging political regime that may be established in some societies only if some preconditions are already in place. Contrary to this, the republican view, as championed by Habermas, claims that there is an inherent link between human rights & democracy & thus both principles must be universalism of human rights & the inherent particularism of democracy. This tension cannot be overcome by creating a global state, but may be alleviated by formulating a definition of internal state-guaranteed fundamental rights applicable to non-citizens as well, for example by the right to seek asylum, as well as by the requirement that all democratic communities globally promote respect for human rights & for the establishment of democratic institutions worldwide. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The emancipation of the Commonwealth countries had a particular impact on the traditional British principle of inviolable sovereignty of the Parliament. Ever since 1931, when the Imperial Parliament, through the Westminster Act, renounced the unilateral exercise of legislative power in the Dominions, the theory of parliamentary sovereignty as unlimited legislative power has been subject to alterations under the pressure of political reality. The process was most pronounced in the 1982-1998 period, when the United Kingdom & several member-countries of the Commonwealth, as "the last democratic strongholds of traditional legislative supremacy," adopted various documents in which human rights are guaranteed. The author elucidates the characteristics of the new, Commonwealth model of constitutionalism, wherein the constitutionalization of fundamental rights has made possible not only specific forms of judicial supervision, but also an increase of judicial activism. Adapted from the source document.

Od Teorije pravednosti do Prava narodâ liberalizam Johna Rawlsa razvija se od individualizma do jednog specifičnog oblika tzv. »komunitarističkog liberalizma«. U Teoriji Rawls će govoriti o pojedincu i njegovoj dužnosti izbjegavanja rata (građanskom neposlušnošću) dok će u Pravu narodâ govoriti o društvu i dužnosti dobro uređenih naroda na pokretanje rata ako su ugrožena ljudska prava. Prva je perspektiva individualna i miroljubiva, dok je druga društvena i ne čini se baš pacifističkom. Prva kao da je protumačena iz perspektive običnog građanina liberalne ustavne demokracije, dok je druga više nalik tumačenju nekoga tko ima moć. U tom razvoju Rawlsova liberalizma intrigira potencijalni sukob između pojedinca i društva što je osobito uočljivo u njegovu shvaćanju odbijanja sudjelovanja ili opravdanja sudjelovanja u ratu. ; From the Theory of Justice to the Law of Peoples liberalism of John Rawls develops from individualism to one specific form of the so¬called "Communitarian liberalism". In the Theory Rawls discussed the individual and his duty to avoid war (civil disobedience), while in the Law of Peoples he discussed society and the duties of well¬organized Nations to launch war if human rights are endangered. The first perspective is individualistic and peaceful, while the other is more social and does not seem too pacifist. The first seems interpreted from the perspective of an ordinary citizen of liberal constitutional democracy, while the other is more like an interpretation from someone who holds the power. In that development of Rawls' liberalism, what is intriguing is the potential conflict between individuals and society, which is particularly evident in his understanding of refusal to participate or justification to participate in war.

This essay is an attempt to explore structural, value, ideological, & performance premises of partyism. It has been modeled after the methods & findings of eminent researchers (eg, Inglehari, Klingemann, Knutesen, & others), who have devoted a major portion of their research to the relations among the mentioned concepts. The empirical research was conducted on a sample of Croatian students in 1998/99. By using complex analysis models of the mentioned variables we have shown that the ideological (left-right) orientation is more important for the electoral choice of Croatian students than the value orientations (religious/secular, left/right materialism, & materialism/postmaterialism). The author then shows why (in line with the results of European studies) the party orientation is more important than the values. What is most important here, however, is the finding that the two variables (the assessment of the democratic performance of the system & the ideological left/right orientation) are relatively the most significant variables for explaining the party identity & electoral choice of Croatian students. It has been shown that the leftist & the opposition parties in Croatia can count on the more left-oriented students & those who are dissatisfied with the functioning of democracy in Croatia, plus those more secularly & post-materialistically oriented. The used analytical methods can contribute to a more detailed elaboration of the theory of partyism (party identities & electoral choices) & to the model of political polarization in society. And this is surely one of the central tasks of modern political science. 8 Tables, 1 Graph. Adapted from the source document.

The collectivist ideology of nationalisms in most states that have come out in the open from the totalitarian Bolshevik sway has triumphed over the idea of the free self-confident individual. In most "young democracies," nationalism has proved the central integrational & stabilizational force of the system & the factor that significantly contributes to its pseudolegitimation. The author claims that only the concept of a bourgeois state that takes into consideration basic human rights & freedoms & the dignity of each individual enables the overcoming of the legitimation crisis of these regimes. Adapted from the source document.

Violations of human rights have become an almost daily occurrence reported on TV & in the press. Massacres, murders, torture, violence, imprisonment of political opponents, are facts of life in a number of contemporary states; these states blatantly curtail the human rights of their citizens. It is argued that the governments & peoples of other countries have not only the right but also the duty to demand that these rights be respected. This feeling of global responsibility is increasing every day as part of the process of globalization itself. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

The author summarizes several years of debate between liberal & communitarian philosophers. The wrangle between those two major lines of political philosophy in the 1980s concentrated on two issues: the foundation & the justification of a political community & the preservation of a system of political community & the motivation of its members to support it actively. Regarding the first issue, liberalism has defended successfully its universalistic attitude towards human rights. Partly it took into consideration communitarian critique, admitting that the universal validity of human rights need not be justified by abstract & rational contractual structure but by the fact that liberal values have become an unavoidable element of the tradition of modern political communities. Regarding the second issue, liberalism had to accept the communitarian attitude towards the importance of republican virtues for the preservation of a political community. The proposals for such mediation of liberalism & communitarianism are included in the concepts of constitutional patriotism & communitarian participative democracy. Adapted from the source document.