Suchergebnisse

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

The aim of this article is to give an account of Hegel's conception of right as a mutual implication of ethical and political life against the backdrop of the modern theories of right, based on the construction of a sovereign will authorized by the procedure of representation and on the notion of a threefold division of the powers of the State. After having clarified Hegel's definition of State as the actuality of the ethical Idea, I will provide a stepwise reconstruction of the inner logic of the constitution (Verfassung), as it is articulated in its three main moments: the power of the monarch (singularity), the civil society (particularity), and the legislative power (universality). Specifically, I will argue that, from the Outlines of the Philosophy of Right (1820) to the Enciclopedia of 1827 and 1830, passing through the course of 1824/25, Hegel's texts show the discontinuous development of a broad and original notion of government (Regierung), which, in the §541 of the Enciclopedia of 1830, culminates in the identification of government with the political State. Thus, the traditional distinction of powers ends up being transformed into the articulation of three ruling agencies, which are actively present in every sphere of the constitution, without, however, pretending to reduce or eliminate any of them.

If the wage indexation rate is chosen discretionarily, a Left hand government lowers it in order to increase the output effects of surprise inflation, while a Right hand government prefers high indexation. These choices magnify the differences between the inflation rates preferred by the two parties. When binding commitments before the signature of the labor contract are possible, both parties prefer a higher wage indexation with respect to the discretionary situation, in order to reduce the inflationary bias.

What kind of relationship exists between the emotional dimension and rights? This study tries to show how emotions are an element on which theoretical reflection has focused, and in particular in relation to human rights. Many scholars – in particular, this text refers to the theories of Martha Nussbaum – have begun to rethink issues related to the foundation and recognition of human rights through the social and moral reassessment of emotions. Political ethics, emotions and attention to human life become elements through which the history and culture of human rights are rethought.

Italian actors are a weakly protected and chronically crumbled category: after decades of inertia the pandemic pushed to a cohesive mobilization of the performers, which stood and fought openly in defense of their rights. In the following months, many actors have revived the debate, mostly online, and through social media. They made calls and petitions, requesting economic aid and a regulatory framework to protect their rights. The most active organization is U.N.I.T.A. (Unione Nazionale Interpreti Teatro e Audiovisivo), an association founded during the most critical times of the pandemic, led by Vittoria Puccini and other well-known Italian actors. U.N.I.T.A.'s public statements primarily dealt with the problems related to the pandemic crisis to get, nowadays, to more complex (and rather old) issues related to the qualification and recognition of the actor's professional role: rights of publicity in the new mediascape (for instance, streaming performances), the urgency of a guarantee fund, gender equality, the establishment of a professional register. In light of the above, the aim of the paper is firstly to reconstruct these actors' collective stance-taking initiatives and the ways in which they were organized and promoted. Secondly, the contribution will analyze how this network activity has increased the professional recognition and relevance of the actor in the Italian media production field. Reflecting on the activity of networking, the analysis will consider how a traditionally fragmented category is now developing a consciousness of its role as a political intermediary and cultural endorser, also in the context of school education.

Un saggio di Hannah Arendt è rimasto inedito per oltre 50 anni. Su quelle carte non è apposto un vero titolo, ma solo: A lecture. Il testo sviluppa uno dei temi più cari all'autrice: le diverse declinazioni della libertà e il loro rapporto con la rivoluzione. Manca di data, ma, essendo presenti molti riferimenti all'attualità, è facile dedurre che esso sia stato scritto tra la fine del 1966 e il 1967. Si tratta di un saggio apparentemente poco originale, poiché riprende molte idee espresse altrove, soprattutto nel grande trattato Sulla Rivoluzione pubblicato nel 1963. Tuttavia è interessante vedere come alcuni concetti già apparsi in altre pubblicazioni vengano impiegati per leggere gli accadimenti del presente, quali ad esempio il processo di decolonizzazione, la guerra del Vietnam, la rivoluzione cubana. Inoltre merito di questo testo è introdurre la formula the freedom to be free per riferirsi alla condizione necessaria per sperimentare la libertà piena, che per l'autrice non consiste nel mero godimento delle libertà civili, bensì nell'esercizio della libertà come partecipazione alla res pubblica. In questo articolo verranno messi in luce gli aspetti più interessanti del testo della Arendt, contestualizzandoli storicamente; in particolare verranno discussi le riflessioni dell'autrice sulle rivoluzioni in corso, il significato dell'espressione "libertà di essere liberi" e la distinzione tra liberty e freedom. ; One of Hannah Arendt's essays has remained unpublished for over 50 years. The paper has no proper title, only the words A lecture written on it. The text develops one of the themes most dear to the author: the different conceptions of freedom and their relationship with revolution. The text also lacks a date; however, given the numerous references to current events, it is easy to deduce that it was written between the end of 1966 and 1967. The essay does not appear to be very original since it incorporates many ideas expressed elsewhere, especially in the great treatise On the Revolution published in ...

Queste pagine delineano alcune delle più importanti questioni di interpretazione storica e culturale sulla sessualità, in ogni sua forma e manifestazione, che i contributi presenti in questo numero affrontano. In particolare, spicca la discussione intorno all'omosessualità. Si ricostruisce il percorso storico della sua presenza nella società e nella cultura diffusa, evitando la corrente e banale esaltazione della libertà dei pagani rispetto ai cristiani. I saggi qui raccolti pongono bene in evidenza come il percorso dell'idea della ―naturalità‖ o al contrario di perversione innaturale non sia stato affatto lineare ma, al contrario, ondivago. Forse più lineare, sebbene complesso da un punto di vista teorico oltre che politico, è stato il percorso dei movimenti di emancipazione nel mondo contemporaneo. Essi sono l'espressione delle diversità presenti al loro interno. Dopo la generazione degli esordi che rivendicava il diritto al semplice riconoscimento delle differenze, è seguita quella che ha interpretato con sguardo critico la stessa natura-lità dell'intero spettro sessuale. Così i gender studies, insistendo sulla differenza tra gender e sex, hanno inteso il genere sempre come costruzione culturale e sociale, e han-no, perfino, negato la stessa naturalità di un concetto come sesso. Emerge da questa im-postazione la centralità dello studio della soggettività, espressa anche attraverso le arti. ; These pages describe some of the most important questions of the historical and cultural interpretation of the information about sexuality. The discussion about homosexuality, in particular, stands out. It reconstructs the historical path of the homosexuality presence in society and in popular culture, avoiding the current exaltation of the freedom of the pagans rather than Christians. The essays collected here pose well in evidence as the path of the idea of "naturalness" or otherwise of unnatural perversion was not at all linear but, on the other hand, wavering. Perhaps more linear, although complex from a theoretical point of view as well as political, was the path of emancipatory movements in the contemporary world. They are the expression of diversity within them. After the generation of the early years that claimed the right to the simple recognition of differences, was followed by that who played a critical eye the same naturalness of the entire sexual spectrum. Therefore gender studies, insisting on the difference between gender and sex, have always understood the "genre" as a cultural and social construction, and have even, denied the same naturalness of a concept like sex. It follows from this setup, the centrality of the study on subjectivity, also expressed through the arts.

Queste pagine delineano alcune delle più importanti questioni di interpretazione storica e culturale sulla sessualità, in ogni sua forma e manifestazione, che i contributi presenti in questo numero affrontano. In particolare, spicca la discussione intorno all'omosessualità. Si ricostruisce il percorso storico della sua presenza nella società e nella cultura diffusa, evitando la corrente e banale esaltazione della libertà dei pagani rispetto a quella dei cristiani. I saggi qui raccolti pongono bene in primo piano come il percorso dell'idea della "naturalità" o, all'opposto, di perversione innaturale non sia stato affatto lineare ma, al contrario, ondivago. Forse più lineare, sebbene complesso, da un punto di vista teorico oltre che politico, è stato il percorso dei movimenti di emancipazione nel mondo contemporaneo. Essi sono l'espressione delle diversità presenti al loro interno. Dopo la generazione degli esordi, che rivendicava il diritto al semplice riconoscimento delle differenze, è seguita quella che ha interpretato con sguardo critico la stessa naturalità dell'intero spettro sessuale. Così i gender studies, insistendo sulla differenza tra gender e sex, hanno inteso il "genere" sempre come costruzione culturale e sociale, e hanno, perfino, negato la stessa naturalità di un concetto come sesso. Emerge, dunque, da questa impostazione la centralità dello studio della soggettività, espressa anche attraverso le arti. ; These pages describe some of the most important questions of the historical and cultural interpretation of the information about sexuality. The discussion about homosexuality, in particular, stands out. It reconstructs the historical path of the homosexuality presence in society and in popular culture, avoiding the current exaltation of the freedom of the pagans rather than Christians. The essays collected here pose well in evidence as the path of the idea of "naturalness" or otherwise of unnatural perversion was not at all linear but, on the other hand, wavering. Perhaps more linear, although complex from a theoretical point of view as well as political, was the path of emancipatory movements in the contemporary world. They are the expression of diversity within them. After the generation of the early years that claimed the right to the simple recognition of differences, was followed by that who played a critical eye the same naturalness of the entire sexual spectrum. Therefore gender studies, insisting on the difference between gender and sex, have always understood the "genre" as a cultural and social construction, and have even, denied the same naturalness of a concept like sex. It follows from this setup, the centrality of the study on subjectivity, also expressed through the arts.

Questo capitolo introduce la quarta parte del volume, relativa a casi di politiche locali finalizzate a superare la formula del "campo nomadi" e aumentare la varietà delle misure di inserimento abitativo1.L'abitare è una dimensione cruciale della vita in società, e il fatto che a partire dagli anni Settanta i gruppi zigani siano stati forzati dentro un'unica tipologia abitativa, il campo nomadi, ha avuto grandi conseguenze non solo sulla qualità di vita delle persone lì residenti, ma anche sui rapporti fra questi gruppi e le società urbane in cui risiedono (.).

Questo capitolo introduce la quarta parte del volume, relativa a casi di politiche locali finalizzate a superare la formula del "campo nomadi" e aumentare la varietà delle misure di inserimento abitativo1.L'abitare è una dimensione cruciale della vita in società, e il fatto che a partire dagli anni Settanta i gruppi zigani siano stati forzati dentro un'unica tipologia abitativa, il campo nomadi, ha avuto grandi conseguenze non solo sulla qualità di vita delle persone lì residenti, ma anche sui rapporti fra questi gruppi e le società urbane in cui risiedono (.).