Suchergebnisse

Il volume raccoglie le voci di un confronto ad ampio spettro sui diritti umani nel bacino del Mediterraneo e sulle attuali declinazioni della loro tutela in merito a migranti, donne, avvocati, detenute, richiedenti asilo. Il dialogo che ne risulta è solo uno dei tanti possibili, ma svela risvolti talora inediti, sempre ricchi di suggestioni cariche di pathos, sul nostro presente e soprattutto sul nostro futuro.

The context of the Fifties is essential to focus on the construction of democracy in Italy and the process of legitimation of the right, which takes place in those years. The relationship with the United States is central to understand the delicate balance between democracy, anti-communism and anti-fascism. Among the issues raised, three are the main ones. First of all, we cannot consider the United States and right as monolithic blocks. Inside there are a number of differences in cultural background and political strategy in the fight against communism. In particular, there have been conflicts between Embassy and State Department: Clare Boothe Luce was very critical of the DC and, while agreeing with the criticism of the Right, never gave any support to MSI, PNM and other movements on the right. The anti-communism, therefore, has never prevailed over the anti-fascism. Likewise, the political right was very different from the "impolitical", deeply rooted in society and nostalgic of the past regime. The second point is the substantial mutual misunderstanding between Americans and the Right. The idea that the Embassy had, in addition to non-democratic nature of MSI, was that you could create a democratic right from the monarchists. The project, however, was rejected because Covelli and Lauro feared losing their electorate. They confirmed, in this way, the choice of non-democratic. On the other hand, the monarchists, neo-fascists, the cultural right (Montanelli, for example) and some rightist businessmen had a wrong idea about U.S. According to them, anti-communism had to prevail over democracy, but the various extremist proposals were consistently declined. In the background - third and last point - there is a country considered structurally undemocratic. Underlying this belief is certainly the weight of the fascist period, that still had a certain importance in the Fifties. But there are also many rather deep-seated prejudices about Italy and the "Latin countries" in general.

Following the XVIII century Declarations, rights have progressively occupied the whole space of legal, political and moral debate; with the UN's Declaration of Human Rights, the language of rights has been established as a universal ground for expressing human needs and claims, despite allegations of Western ethnocentrism. Rights are an indispensable tool for expressing the value of human dignity, because they allow right-holders to claim certain actions as due to them: they endow the individuals with a moral authority, the absence of which would dramatically impoverish moral (political, legal) discourse. However, 1) the abuse and uncontrolled proliferation of rights talk threatens such language with inflation. Moreover, 2) not all plausible moral concerns can be expressed in terms of rights, since rights presuppose an individualist anthropology and are particularly well-suited to situations in which individuals can be seen as both independent and equal: in situations where individuals depend on others and have little or no power of negotiation, values like respect and dignity cannot be adequately expressed by rights language. Finally, 3) if we reduce all moral discourse to rights talk, we are unable to ascribe the due importance to values like autonomy, which presuppose collective goods. A reasonable use of rights language would avoid such shortcomings, although this seems to conflict with the basic tenets of some so-called "right-based" ethical theories.

Questa tesi consiste nell'analisi socio-antropologica delle risposte al sisma che il 20 e il 29 maggio ha colpito l'area nord della pianura padano-emiliana, in Italia. La zona precisa di ricerca è stata quella compresa tra i comuni di Mirandola, Cavezzo, Concordia sul Secchia e San Possidonio, della provincia di Modena. Il soggetto specifico è stato Sisma.12, un comitato di terremotati, apartitico e trasversale, che porta avanti specifiche rivendicazioni, elaborando e ponendo in essere politiche "dal basso", che nascono dalle esperienze dei suoi membri, differenti ma partecipate, come alternative alle scelte messe in atto dalle istituzioni. ; This is a contribution to the analysis of the socio-cultural responses to the earthquake that hit the area north of the Po Valley, in Emilia (Italy) on the 20 and 29 of May, 2012. The exact area of research is located in the cities of Mirandola, Cavezzo, Concordia sul Secchia and San Possidonio, all of them situated in the Modena district. The subject of the survey is Sisma.12, a committee founded by some earthquake victims, "not-partisan and ideologically cross" claiming for specific rights. Also offering solutions to such a disaster, starting from the individual experience of its members, though different but participated, as alternative to the choices made by the institutions.

Questa comunicazione è stata presentata al Seminario Dottorale di Investigazione "Pilar Europeo de derechos sociales, trabajo y migraciones: nuevos retos" tenutosi il 4 e 5 aprile 2018 nell'ambito del Programma di Dottorato in Studi Migratori dell'Università di Granata. ; La garanzia dei diritti sociali e delle libertà fondamentali sono oggi una delle attività principali dell'U.E Solo negli anni '90 la Comunità Economica Europea ha iniziato a trasformarsi in Unione Europea, estendendo la sfera delle proprie attività dal campo economico a quello politico-sociale e l'ultima fase è stata la proclamazione del Pilastro Europeo dei Diritti Sociali. Il pilastro non è legalmente vincolante, non implica automaticamente che i principi e i diritti contenuti in esso siano garantiti, considerando che la politica monetaria dell'Unione e la frattura delle diverse politiche nazionali dividono l'Europa. Per cambiare questo contesto si rende necessaria la conformazione in senso federale dell'istituzione europea. Tale istituzione dovrebbe avere personalità politica capace di aggregare e cambiare la politica monetaria, rivedendo la rigidità del Fiscal Compact, poiché ad oggi non tiene conto delle variabili economiche e sociali che l'Europa sta vivendo. Il successivo passo è l'introduzione di una politica sociale e di integrazione gestita direttamente dall'entità centrale, capace di unire, introducendo la solidarietà transnazionale, che sicuramente incentiverebbe la crescita di questo modello politico inclusivo. ; The guarantee of social rights and fundamental freedoms are today one of the main activities of the E.U. Only in the 1990s did the European Economic Community begin to transform itself into the European Union, extending the sphere of its activities from the economic to the political and social fields. The last phase was the proclamation of the European Pillar of Social Rights. The pillar is not legally binding; it does not automatically imply that the principles and rights contained are guaranteed, considering the monetary policy of the Union and the breakdown of the policies that divide Europe. To counter this path, it is necessary to conform the federal institution of a European institution that has a political personality capable of aggregating and changing monetary policy, revising the rigidity of the Fiscal Compact, as it does not take into account the economic and social variables that Europe is living. The next step is the introduction of a social and integration policy managed directly by the central entity, which manages to aggregate by introducing transnational solidarity, which would certainly encourage the growth of this inclusive political model. ; La garantía de los derechos sociales y las libertades fundamentales es hoy en día una de las principales actividades de la EE.UU. Sólo en la década de 1990 la Comunidad Económica Europea comenzó a transformarse en la Unión Europea, extendiendo el ámbito de sus actividades del campo económico al político y social y la última fase fue la proclamación del Pilar Europeo de los Derechos Sociales. El Pilar no es legalmente vinculante, no implica automáticamente que los principios y derechos que contiene estén garantizados, si se considera que la política monetaria de la Unión y la brecha entre las diferentes políticas nacionales dividen a Europa. Para cambiar este contexto, se necesita un desarrollo federalista de la institución europea. Esta institución debería tener una personalidad política capaz de agregar y cambiar la política monetaria, revisando la rigidez del Pacto Fiscal, ya que hasta hoy no tiene en cuenta las variables económicas y sociales que está experimentando Europa. El siguiente paso es la introducción de una política social y de integración administrada directamente por la entidad central, capaz de unir, introducir la solidaridad transnacional, lo que seguramente impulsaría el crecimiento de este modelo político inclusivo.

Il saggio indaga le connessioni tra l'abolizione della prostituzione legalizzata e i processi di democratizzazione in Germania e Italia, a partire dalla storia dei diritti umani nella sua interazione con il sistema politico. Le fonti principali sono i dibattiti parlamentari e le leggi che portarono alla chiusura dei bordelli e all'abolizione del sistema di sorveglianza nel 1927 in Germania e nel 1958 in Italia. I dibattiti sulla prostituzione pongono anche la questione dell'uguaglianza e della giustizia di genere. In particolare, il problema della regolamentazione della prostituzione, la cui efficienza viene verificata da un numero sempre maggiore di ricercatori nel corso del XX secolo, dispiega fattori di politica sanitaria, di diritti umani e di morale, aspetti di politica sociale e di sicurezza, mettendo in discussione non solo la gerarchia tra i generi, ma anche quella tra gli strati sociali. ; The essay explores the connections between the abolition of legalized prostitution and the processes of democratization in Germany and Italy, starting from the history of human rights and its interaction with the political system. The main sources are the parliamentary debates and the laws that brought about the closedown of brothels and the abolition of the surveillance system in Germany in 1927 and in Italy in 1958. The debates on prostitution also pose a question of equality and gender justice. In particular, the problem of the regulation of prostitution, whose efficiency has been verified by an ever growing number of researchers during the XX century, deploys factors of sanitary policy, human rights and morals, aspects of social policy and security, questioning not only the gender hierarchy, but also the social one.