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"Over the last two decades, there has been an inescapable rise of anger and aggression across our planet. Hate speech has become increasingly prevalent online, Western governments are turning towards authoritarianism and populism, and extremist groups are rising across both the left and the right ends of the political spectrum. Every day, it seems, we're hearing more angry voices and fearful opinions, we're seeing more threats and frightening news, and we're reacting faster and less rationally. The cause is hidden in plain sight: for the first time, almost all of the information we consume as a species is being controlled and curated by algorithms designed to capture our emotional attention. This, media researcher and strategic advisor Tobias Rose-Stockwell argues, is the outrage machine. It is the wide-cast net of social media that is propelled by tech, has been exploited by all of us, and which has been allowed to steadily replace our newspapers, emergency communication systems, town halls, churches, and more. In the vein of The Righteous Mind and Factfulness, Outrage Machine is a big-think book that explores the unintended consequences of this alarming shift in today's smartphone era--and shows us how to navigate the world we now live in. First, he explains how and why we've become addicted to not just technology, but outrage itself. Since social media algorithms now favor the most inflammatory content because it gets the highest engagement, the levels of righteousness, certainty, and extreme judgment in our daily interactions have increased as well. Next, he shows us why we're more prone to panic, and how the immediate dispersion of our panic can be more dangerous than the threat itself-and can bypass necessary confirmation of the accuracy and potential harm of this information. Rose-Stockwell also explores how the original intent of many of our social tools has been compromised, from improving click-through rates for charitable causes to catalyzing our current culture of click-baiting and sensationalism on an unparalleled scale. Fortunately, Outrage Machine is not just a warning--it's also a critical guide that clearly explains the underlying machinery that has come to control us, and a compass to help guide people toward reflection rather than reaction. The culmination of 15 years of research and inquiry, this book gives readers a language with which to comprehend what is happening to society, and offers new mental models for how to manage our time, our technology, and our attention. It also offers big-picture recommendations for how to redesign these platforms, as well as methods for fixing this broken system before it "fixes" us"--

Asking is one of the simplest and most familiar of human actions, and has a right to be thought of as single most powerful and most variously cohering form of social-symbolic gesture. Because so much is at stake in the act of asking, asking, or asking for, almost anything, whether information, help, love or respect, can be asking for trouble, so a great deal of care must be taken with the ways in which asking occurs and is responded. A History of Asking is the first attempt to grasp the unity and variety of the technics and technologies of asking, in all its modalities, as they extend across a spectrum from weak forms like begging, pleading, praying, imploring, beseeching, entreating, suing, supplicating and soliciting, through to the more assertively and even aggressively self-authorising modes of asking, like proposing, offering, inviting, requesting, appealing, applying, petitioning, claiming and demanding. The book considers the history of 6 broad modes of petitory practice. The act of begging, both among animals and humans is considered in terms of its theatrics. The institution of the political petition, protocols for which seem to arise in also every system of government of which we have knowledge, is tracked through from late medieval to nineteenth-century Britain. The act of prayer, central to religious practice, though often the last form of religious behaviour to fall away among those lapsing from adherence, and one of the religious practices that is most likely to be adhered to in the absence of any other religious commitment, is the subject of sustained scrutiny. The appeal of prayer is essentially to the fact of participation in language, and the specific forms of commitment to the condition of being bound, bindable, or biddable by it. Wooing and the associated economics of seduction and solicitation are tracked through from the formalisation of the conventions of courtly love in the 12th century through to modern techniques of flirtation. The book revives the antique term 'suitage' in order to discuss all the forms of sueing and suitorship for favours or advantage, as well as, more broadly the act, pursued almost life-long, of trying to get one another to do things for us, in particular in indirect or vicarious forms of what may be called 'interpetition', such as the dedications of books to patrons, the institution of the testimonial or letter of reference and the practices of flattery. A History of Asking concludes with a discussion of the many ways in which our necessarily parasitic relations on each other in a complex society are both conveyed and dissimulated, especially through the ways in which we summon and salute different kinds of service.

"These Walls reframes the debate the country's incarceration crisis, with a compelling focus on architecture as a path forward. Tony Messenger, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Profit and Punishment says "A critical intervention in the high stakes debate about the social value of jails and what we could do instead to create safety and justice." Alex Vitale, author of The End of Policing writes For nearly a century, the Rikers Island jail complex has stood on a 413-acre man-made island in the East River of New York. Today it is the largest correctional facility in the city, housing eight active jails and thousands of incarcerated individuals who have not yet been tried. It is also one of the most controversial and notorious jails in America. Which is why, when mayor Bill de Blasio announced in 2017 that Rikers would be closed within the next decade, replaced with four newly designed jails located within the city boroughs, the surface reaction seemed largely positive. Not only would Rikers, a long-standing symbol of the ills of mass incarceration, be decommissioned, but the buildings erected in its place would be the product of more enlightened views and outlooks. Many were enthusiastic, including Eva Fedderly, a journalist focused on the intersections of social justice and design, who was covering the closure and its impact for Architectural Digest. In a world of the rhetoric of talking heads and empty political promises, here, finally, was action. Breaking down the structures that enable an unjust system would surely mean its eventual eradication--change. Wasn't that a sign of progress? As Fedderly dug deeper and spoke to more people involved, however, she discovered that the consensus was hardly universal. Among architects at megafirms tasked with redesigns that reconcile profits and progress, the members of law enforcement working to stop incarceration cycles in community hot spots, the reformers and abolitionists calling for change, and, most wrenchingly, the incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals whose lives will be most affected, some agreed that closing Rikers was a step in the right direction, but many were quick to point out that Rikers was being replaced, not removed. There was frustration that the presence of new jails would disrupt neighborhoods, and that the city's resources should be invested in effective crime prevention and rehabilitation in communities to stop the incarceration cycle. On one point, however, there was firm agreement: whatever the outcome, the world would be watching. Part on-the-ground reporting, part deep social and architectural history, These Walls is an eye-opening look into how systems of inequity are constructed and a challenge to our long-held beliefs about what constitutes power and justice.

Frontmatter --Contents --Notes on Contributors --Introduction: The Political Landscapes of American Health, 1945-2020 --Part I: Geography, Community and American Health --Introduction --1 Health and Inequality in the Postwar Metropolis --2 Poverty, Health and Health Care in Rural Communities --3 The Politics of Immigration Meets the Politics of Health Care --4 Latinxs and the US Health Care System --5 American Indian Health: The Medicine Wheel versus the Iron Triangle --Part II: Critical Health Conditions: Debates and Histories --Introduction --6 The Politics of Polio Vaccination in Postwar America, 1950-60: Detractors and Defenders --7 Beyond the Cancer Wars --8 A System in Crisis: US Health Care Politics and the AIDS Epidemic --9 The Politics of 'Obesity': Medicalization, Stigmatization and Liberation of Fat Bodies --10 Revising Diagnoses, Reinventing Psychiatry: DSM and Major Depressive Disorder --Part III: The Politics of Children's Health --Introduction --11 US Children's Health Insurance: Policy Advocacy and Ideological Conflict --12 Autism and the Anti-Vaccine Movement --13 Diagnosing Deficit, Promising Enhancement: ADHD and Stimulants on Screen --14 On the Possibility of Affirmative Health Care for Transgender Children --15 Black Infant Mortality: Continuities, Contestations and Care --Part IV: The Institutional Matrix of Health Care --Introduction --16 The Regional and Racial Politics of Postwar Hospitals --17 Health Activism in the 1960s and the Community Health Center System --18 The Veterans Administration and PTSD: Challenges and Changes from Vietnam to Iraq --19 The Pharmaceutical Industry, Drug Regulation and US Health Services --20 The National Institutes of Health: Courting Congress, Creating a Research Infrastructure --Part V: The White House, Congress and Health Reform --Introduction --21 Left Out: Health Security and the American Welfare State, 1935-50 --22 Medicare and Medicaid after the Great Society: Containing Costs, Expanding Coverage --23 Mental Health, Stigma and Federal Reform in the 1970s and 1990s --24 The War on Drugs: Nixon, Reagan, Trump --25 Obamacare and Its Critics --Part VI: Justice, Ethics and American Health --Introduction --26 Roe v. Wade and the Cultural Politics of Abortion: The Shift from Rights to Health --27 Genetics, Health and the Making of America's Triracial Isolates, 1950-80 --28 The Rhetoric and Politics of American Ageism: Notes from a Pandemic --29 Towards a Structural Competency Framework for Addressing US Gun Violence --30 Mass Incarceration and Health Inequity in the United States --Part VII: Public Health and Global Health --Introduction --31 Occupational and Environmental Health in Twentieth-Century America --32 Environmental Health beyond the State: Thinking through the 1970s --33 Bioterrorism, Pandemic and the American Public --34 Health Internationalism in the US and Beyond --35 Pandemics and the Politics of Planetary Health --Bibliography --Index

"An essential addition to the Stone Reader series, Question Everything is a groundbreaking collection of philosophical essays from some of our foremost thinkers and storytellers. When The Stone Reader-a landmark collection of 133 essays from the New York Times' award-winning philosophy column-first published, in 2015, the world urgently needed insight and wisdom, and for many, the book served as a bulwark of reason against the rising tide of post-fact rhetoric. Now, as disinformation continues to run rampant and our rights are increasingly called into question, editors Peter Catapano and Simon Critchley contend that philosophy in the public sphere is more crucial than ever. Like The Stone Reader and its sequel, Modern Ethics in 77 Arguments, Question Everything delivers the contrarian views, sound arguments, and creative approaches to traditional opinion-writing that loyal readers of the series have come to expect. Its essays, however, are not organized by traditional categories like ethics or epistemology, but thematically by question, thirteen of them in all-the first twelve like the hours of a clock, ticking us through the tumultuous time in which these pieces were written, from late 2015 to 2021, with the last speculating into an uncertain future. The volume begins with the most fundamental of questions: What does it mean to be human? There, contemporary thinkers from Martha Nussbaum to Bernard-Henri Lévy explore the essence of who we are as a species. The next question-Is democracy possible?-interrogates our social and political ideals. While Malka Older calls into question the viability of our institutions, philosophers Gary Gutting and Alex Rosenberg reassess the meaning of patriotism. And onward, with more timeless struggles: What is happiness? Does life have meaning? Finally, it asks, Is this the end of the world as we know it? Now what? While its foundation and core consists of the work of professional scholars and philosophers, Question Everything also features a number of prominent artists and thinkers who may never appear on a philosophy syllabus, including, among others, novelist Elena Ferrante, actor Cate Blanchett, filmmaker Errol Morris, musician Sonny Rollins, and artist Ai Weiwei, all of whom offer insights shaped by decades of devotion to and practice of their crafts. Designed both for immediate gratification and long-term use, Question Everything, with an introduction by Catapano, is not only an essential addition to a much-loved series, but an act of resistance, "a product," as Catapano writes, "of the spirit of agitation and inquiry that has been integral to the human enterprise from the beginning of recorded history.""--

This book develops an analytical framework for a serious investigation of the historical specificities of cities of the Global South within three Mediterranean areas and inland territories. Its starting point is the research on urban informality in three different environments; one has experienced tremendous socio-economic transformation, while the other two have experienced the conflict that occurred in the Middle East under a free-market-oriented imposed system. The book provides a unique overview of urban informality within the region. This book draws upon experience and intensive work on the definitions and taxonomies of urban informality in the Global South. It investigates urban informality as a site of transitions in different socioeconomic, socio-spatial, and political contexts, concerning theories and practice, to strengthen understanding of sustainable transition processes. It explores how urban informality operates in the context of comparative cross-national perspectives that meet the SDGs and the NUA. The book enables policymakers, planners, and designers to think about urban informality as a dynamic multi-dimensional phenomenon, or as a site of transitions, within a built environment embedded in specific contexts. It arrives at the full package of resilient benefits provided by urban informality and even the different basic ways in which a better way of life can become manifest. This book opens a new scientific discussion between urban informality and sustainability transition perspectives, between conceptual and empirical, and between structural and practical. Geoffrey Payne, Geoffrey Payne and Associates It is often assumed that informality is simply the opposite of formality – a binary structure of opposites. However, the academic literature has exposed it as far more layered and complex than this and the analysis by Professor Soliman demonstrates convincingly and comprehensively, the multi-layered nature of urban informality in Egypt and the Middle East in general. Overlapping legal forms of land tenure and property rights, together with variations both within as well as between settlements, make it vital to understand this complexity in order that policies to address it are evidence based. This book offers a synopsis of urban informality in the Middle East, ongoing research on the governance of sustainability transitions and how to deal with urban informality in the context of sustainability transitions. This provides an essential foundation for understanding the complexity of informality, reasons why it exists, the positive as well as negative features and the options for reducing it. It is essential reading for all involved in addressing the issue in a region of the world where the relationship between formal and informal development of land and housing is critical to social and economic development.

In 2006 dejected members of the Bukit Jalil Estate community faced eviction from their homes in Kuala Lumpur where they had lived for generations. City officials classified plantation residents as squatters and, unaware of years of toil, attachment to the land, and past official promises, questioned any right they might have to stay, wondering "How can there be a plantation in Kuala Lumpur?"This story epitomizes the dilemma faced by Malaysian Tamils in recent years as they confront the moment when the plantation system where they have lived and worked for generations finally collapses. Foreign workers from Indonesia and Bangladesh have been brought in to replace Tamil workers to cut labor costs. As the new migrant workers do not bring their whole families with them, the community structures--schools, temples, churches, community halls, recreational fields--need no longer be sustained, allowing more land to be converted to mechanized palm oil production or lucrative housing developments. In short, the old, long-term community-based model of rubber plantation production introduced by British and French companies in colonial Malaya has been replaced by a model based upon migrant labor, mechanization, and a gradual contraction of the plantation economy. Tamils find themselves increasingly resentful of the fact that lands that were developed and populated by their ancestors are now claimed by Malays as their own; and that the land use patterns in these new townships, are increasingly hostile to the most symbolic vestiges of the Tamil and Hindu presence, the temples. In addition to issues pertaining to land, legal cases surrounding religious conversion have exacerbated a sense of insecurity among Tamil Hindus. Based on seventeen months of ethnographic fieldwork, this compelling book is about much more than the fast-approaching end to a way of life. Tamils and the Haunting of Justice addresses critical issues in the study of race and ethnicity. It is a study of how notions of justice, as imagined by an aggrieved minority, complicate legal demarcations of ethnic difference in post colonial states. Through its ethnographic breadth, it demonstrates which strategies, as enacted by local communities in conjunction with NGOs and legal advisors/activists, have been most "successful" in navigating the legal and political system of ethnic entitlement and compensation. It shows how, through a variety of strategies, Tamils try to access justice beyond the law--sometimes by using the law, and sometimes by turning to religious symbols and rituals in the murky space between law and justice. The book will thus appeal not only to scholars of Southeast Asia and the Indian diaspora, but also to ethnic studies and development scholars and those interested in postcolonial nationalism

Forward / Timothy E. Wirth -- Introduction / Joseph E. Aldy, Robert N. Stavins -- An elaborated proposal for a global climate policy architecture : specific formulas and emission targets for all countries in all decades / Jeffrey Frankel -- The EU emission trading scheme: a prototype global system? / Denny Ellerman -- Linkage of tradable permit systems in international climate policy architecture / Judson Jaffe, Robert N. Stavins -- The case for charges on greenhouse gas emissions / Richard N. Cooper -- Towards a global compact for managing climate change / R. Agarwala -- Sectoral approaches to a post-Kyoto international climate policy framework / Akihiro Sawa -- A portfolio system of climate treaties / Scott Barrett -- How to negotiate and update climate agreements / Bard Harstad -- Metrics for evaluating policy commitments in a fragmented world: the challenges of equity and integrity / Carolyn Fischer, Richard D. Morgenstern -- Justice and climate change: the unpersuasive case for per capita allocations of emissions rights / Eric A. Posner, Cass R. Sunstein -- Toward a post-Kyoto climate change architecture : a political analysis / Robert O. Keohane, Kal Raustiala -- International climate technology strategies / Richard G. Newell -- Mitigation through resource transfers to developing countries : expanding greenhouse gas offsets / Andrew Keeler, Alexander Thompson -- Possible development of a technology clean development mechanism in a post-2012 regime / Fei Teng, Wenying Chen, Jiankun He -- Global environment and trade policy / Jeffrey Frankel -- A proposal for the design of the successor to the Kyoto Protocol / Larry Karp, Jinhua Zhao -- Reconciling human development and climate protection : a multistage hybrid climate policy architecture / Jing Cao -- What do we expect from an international climate agreement? A perspective from a low-income country / E. Somanathan -- Climate accession deals : new strategies for taming growth of greenhouse gases in developing countries / David G. Victor -- Policies for developing country engagement / Daniel S. Hall, Michael A. Levi, William A. Pizer, Takahiro Ueno -- International forest carbon sequestration in a post-Kyoto agreement / Andrew J. Plantinga, Kenneth R. Richards -- Modeling economic impacts of alternative international climate policy architectures : a quantitative and comparative assessment of architectures for agreement / Valentina Bosetti, Carlo Carraro, Alessandra Sgobbi, Massimo Tavoni -- Sharing the burden of GHG reductions / Henry D. Jacoby, Mustafa H. Babiker, Sergey Paltsev, John M. Reilly -- When technology and climate policy meet: energy technology in an international policy context / Leon Clarke, Kate Calvin, Jae Edmonds, Page Kyle, Marshall Wise -- Revised emissions growth projections for China: why post-Kyoto climate policy must look east / Geoffrey J. Blanford, Richard G. Richels, Thomas F. Rutherford -- Expecting the unexpected : macroeconomic volatility and climate policy / Warwick J. McKibbin, Adele Morris, Peter J. Wilcoxen -- Epilogue / Richard Schmalensee -- Lessons for the international policy community / Joseph E. Aldy, Robert N. Stavins.

Preliminary Materials /P. Blackledge -- Chapter One. Extracts From Marxism: An Interpretation /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Two. Marxist Tracts /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Three. On Not Misrepresenting Philosophy /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Four. The Algebra Of The Revolution /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Five. Notes From The Moral Wilderness /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Six. Doctor Marx And Doctor Zhivago /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Seven. Marcuse, Marxism And The Monolith /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Eight. The Straw Man Of The Age /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Nine. The 'New Left' /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Ten. What Is Marxist Theory For? /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Eleven. From Macdonald To Gaitskell /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twelve. Communism And British Intellectuals /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirteen. Freedom And Revolution /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Fourteen. Breaking The Chains Of Reason /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Fifteen. Is A Neutralist Foreign Policy Possible? /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Sixteen. The Man Who Answered The Irish Question /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Seventeen. Culture And Revolution /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Eighteen. Marxists And Christians /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Nineteen. Rejoinder To Left Reformism /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty. Congo, Katanga And The UNO /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-One. Sartre As A Social Critic /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Two. The Sleepwalking Society: Britain In The Sixties /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Three. Open Letter To A Right-Wing Young Socialist /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Four. [The New Capitalism And The British Working Class] /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Five. C. Wright Mills /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Six. Going Into Europe /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Seven. Prediction And Politics /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Eight. True Voice /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Twenty-Nine. Trotsky In Exile /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty. Labour Policy And Capitalist Planning /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-One. Marx /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Two. The Socialism Of R.H. Tawney /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Three. Pascal And Marx: On Lucien Goldmann's Hidden God /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Four. Marxist Mask And Romantic Face: Lukács On Thomas Mann /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Five. Recent Political Thought /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirthy-Six. Herbert Marcuse: From Marxism To Pessimism /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Seven. How Not To Write About Stalin /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Eight. How To Write About Lenin – And How Not To /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Thirty-Nine. The Strange Death Of Social-Democratic England /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Forty. In Place Of Harold Wilson? /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Forty-One. Marxism Of The Will /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Forty-Two. Mr Wilson's Pragmatism /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Forty-Three. Tell Me Where You Stand On Kronstadt /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Fourty-Four. Irish Mythologies /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Forty-Five. Sunningdale: A 'Colonial' Solution /P. Blackledge -- Chapter Forty-Six. Irish Conflicts And British Illusions /P. Blackledge -- Epilogue 1953, 1968, 1995: Three Perspectives /P. Blackledge -- References /P. Blackledge -- Index /P. Blackledge.

'The aim of the project is the evaluation of the cultural policies of the National Action Plans (NAPs) on Social Inclusion under the European Union's Open Method of Coordination (OMC) in six member states: Estonia, Latvia, Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, Slovenia and Sweden. The project evaluates the effectiveness of cultural policies of the NAPs aimed at the social inclusion of ethnic minorities by identifying appropriate indicators - a set of Common Inter-Cultural Indicators (CICIs) feasible for cost-effectiveness analyses, and using a cost-effectiveness evaluation approach. Latvia is traditionally a multiethnic society. Before restoration of independence in 1990 and as a result of the ethnic policy of the USSR, the proportion of multiethnic minorities comprised of 48% of the total population. It has diminished since, but ethnic and social integration is still a very important part of the national policy. Societal integration is oriented towards the individual and mutual understanding and cooperation between different groups, based on Latvian language as the state language as well as on the loyalty towards the Latvian state. For an individual, integration is an increased opportunity to experience one's human rights and freedom, as well as to increase participation in social and political life. Of the minority cultural policies - culture, education, mass media and social participation - that are aimed at social inclusion of minorities, the Latvia language and education policy has been the most important recently, as education reform has been implemented and bilingual education programmes, which began in 1999, have been introduced in minority schools. In this report, we will first provide a brief overview of the ethnic composition of the population of Latvia. Then, we will explore the relationship between the language, education and social inclusion policies in Latvia, and NAP (2004-2006) and related policy documents regulating the minority culture and social inclusion policies in Latvia. Then, we will describe the situation of the education system in Latvia and the history of implementation of bilingual education policy as well as the legal acts regulating the process. We will also discuss the methodology applied to the focus groups and for the choice and calculation of cost-effectiveness analysis indicators. It is important to use both the qualitative evaluation method as well as to calculate the indicators, as implementation of the education reform is still on going, and only evaluation of mid-term results can be given. Finally, the results of the focus groups and cost-effectiveness analysis of the implementation of bilingual education in Latvia along with relevant conclusions will be drawn both on the implementation of the policy and the indicators to be applied for evaluation of effectiveness of the education policy.' (excerpt)

Jonathan Reynolds, Labour's shadow business secretary, said the UK should be willing to apply "trade remedies" - tariffs - if it is found that Chinese brands have gained an unfair advantage over their European peers.Asked about the issue at the MakeUK manufacturers conference on Tuesday, he said: "There are some sectors where I look at just the sheer overcapacity that's coming out of China and I worry that is inconsistent with how a healthy, global market economy should operate."Where there is a concern that we're not facing free and fair and healthy competition, we're right to use trade remedies as an answer to that."This is not just to dunk on the Shadow Secretary, we expect the current one to make much the same sorts of points. And all likely contenders too. Simply because politics just hasn't - 248 years after it was first properly pointed out in Wealth of Nations - caught up with how trade works. Nor, even, the most basic point about who the economy is supposed to work for. The claim here is that the Chinese government has been taking money off Chinese citizens and giving it to Chinese car making companies. As a result those Chinese cars are subsidised and thus cheap to us Britons. That is the claim. The next step is where the lunacy comes in, in the reaction. For now the claim is that we must tax ourselves for buying these cheap, subsidised, Chinese cars. That's what a trade tariff is. So too would be any system of quotas or other restrictions upon those cheap cars being imported. It's a tax upon us Britons.Or, just to point up the lunacy, China is taxing its citizens so we must tax ourselves in response.The entire point of trade is that we get to put our hands on the things made by Johnny Foreigner - those things that we desire of course, those which are cheaper, or better, or simply more desirable than we can make them ourselves. That's not an aberration, that's the point. Even more basic, the point of an economy is consumption, not production. So, if someone's offering cheap electric vehicles - however produced, however financed - the correct answer is "Please send a second shipload. Pretty Please".The Chinese government is, as a result of its actions, getting Chinese car companies to ship us cars. Each coming with a cheque attached signed by the Chinese taxpayer. We get the car and we get the free money. The political response is that this is dreadful and cannot be allowed.Foreigners sending us free money is a bad idea that must be stopped. Now do you see why politics is such a lousy way to run the place?

The relevance of the study of types of administrative acts is determined primarily by the fact that an administrative act as the main tool of activity, recognized by the provisions of the Law of Ukraine "On Administrative Procedure", although it is accepted (performed) daily by all subjects of public administration exercising public power in the relevant spheres of public life , the forms of their external and legal expression, the cases, grounds and order of their acceptance (commitment), the matters on which they are accepted (committed), as well as their focus on the acquisition, change, termination or realization of rights and/or obligations differ, provided by the current legislation of a private person. Taking into account the arrangement and systematization of administrative acts, it seems possible only with the help of their classification. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to identify and research the types of administrative acts provided for in the legislation of Ukraine on administrative procedure, and their theoretical and legal analysis. Research methods include general and special methods of scientific knowledge, the method of system analysis, the dialectical method, formal-logical methods, structural-functional and comparative-legal methods, as well as a number of empirical methods, which ultimately made it possible to determine and analyze existing approaches to distinguishing types of administrative acts , to carry out their comparative characteristics, as well as to characterize the provisions of the legislation on administrative procedure regarding the definition of types of administrative acts. As a result of the conducted research, the classification of administrative acts was carried out according to the form of acceptance (commitment); according to the method of production (formation); by direction of content; according to the nature of the effect of administrative acts; depending on the number of persons to whom the administrative act applies; according to the quality of the execution of administrative acts, and their theoretical and legal analysis was carried out taking into account the provisions of the latest legislation on administrative procedure. It is substantiated that the potential of the classification of administrative acts is also revealed in the fact that, with its help, it seems possible to distinguish administrative acts from other instruments of activity of public authorities, in particular, regulatory acts and administrative contracts, and political decisions, official orders, etc. This proves that the classification of administrative acts is a promising direction for further scientific research. At the same time, it was noted that the principle in the aspect of research of types of administrative acts is the applied orientation of the proposed classifications and the support of each of the selected types of administrative acts with specific examples.

Hello Fully Automated listeners!



This is a rebroadcast of Episode 10 of Class Unity: Transmissions, as posted here. Transmissions is the official podcast of Class Unity, and I want to thank them for their permission to use this episode. You can find out more about Class Unity over at https://classunity.org/







In this episode of Transmissions, we discuss the recent events unfolding in the Israel-Palestine conflict. In typical Class Unity spirit, we try to focus on the question of what it might mean to approach this conflict from a class first perspective.



A central theme of the episode is the question of how the left seems to have split around the issue of Zionism. As we note, there does seem to be an "anti-anti-zionist" strain at large in the left around this issue. Proponents of this position seem to believe that "Hamas has no support in the Palestinian population."







Yet, while many of these critics focus on the leadership of Hamas ensconced in Qatar, we seek to address a more rare question in leftwing critiques of this conflict. Namely, who were the fighters of October 7? The key issue, we suggest, is not whether to reject or celebrate Hamas. Rather, it is to understand the objective material conditions and yearning for basic dignity that makes it so easy for Hamas to recruit.



Staying with this notion of the objective material conditions in Gaza, we submit that this might actually be one of the few cases where the admittedly overused concept of settler-colonialism might actually apply.



We discuss the dire economic predicament facing the young and highly educated population of Gaza, the numerous attempts they have made at non-violent resistance, and the brutal response of the Israeli state to these attempts.



Next, we discuss the present political situation in Israel, and the durability of US support in a context of a shifting balance of power in the region. With US power in decline, and the Israeli army no longer as unquestioningly powerful as it once appeared, where is this conflict heading?







Other key elements of this episode include the role of the right of return as a sticking point in previous attempts at creating a negotiated settlement to the conflict. How much longer can this vital question go ignored, and what are its implications for Israel's status as a democracy? And just what is a good response to people who say Israel doesn't target civilians?



This episode was recorded on October 29, 2023.



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A response to the article by P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov "The Onset of Narcissistic Culture: Consequences for Education, Science and Politics" is proposed. Agreeing with the theses of this article, the author offers a look at the problems posed from the standpoint of institutional and communication approaches. This approach seems methodologically justified and no less relevant, since the problems posed require a deeper explanation. It is shown that narcissism as a special cultural phenomenon is not only a factor external to the subjects, but is also a factor affecting class and group interests. Narcissistic culture should not be recognized as an object of manipulation, since it decisively affects state institutions, as well as social, economic, political and spiritual spheres. The ability of any cultural phenomenon to orient the state towards a person and his spiritual development is also expressed in the possibility of disorientation. It is proposed to consider narcissistic culture as a result of the influence of the theory of separation of powers introduced into the domestic state-building, which does not always contribute to the preservation of the state's right to identity, dissimilarity and originality. The choice of such a principle of state development can be explained by the aesthetic ideal and the desire for beauty and perfection. At the same time, ignoring the influence of narcissistic culture on the relations of executive, legislative and judicial functions of state power, it is impossible to determine the state of group and class interests and the ways of further development of the state, security of its citizens. The influence of narcissistic culture on the activities of state institutions and authorities does not contribute to their consolidation and unification to solve current problems and ensure the real public interests of modern society and each of its members. The culture of narcissism, being a complex social phenomenon, has affected almost all spheres of human existence; from the psychological foundations of intimate relationships to the philosophical understanding of the structure of society. Personalization, narcissism, and the experience of inner emptiness are accompanied by depression, cruelty, indifference, lack of mercy and reverence for the world around them. The connection between narcissism and the materialization of thinking, the influence of the philosophy of science and technology on interference in human nature and its habitat is substantiated. The ways of getting out of narcissistic captivity and filling the deficit of a favorable attitude to oneself are proposed. The author concludes that youth, one of the properties of narcissistic culture, is a strong external factor capable of restoring the ability to live objectively here and now.

Currently, more than 40% of people living in poverty in Argentina are children and adolescents. In 2009, the Universal Child Allowance for Social Protection (AUH) was created to equalize the rights between children, the ones born on families with formal jobs and those born on families with informal jobs or even unemployed ones. This document analyzes the implementation of the AUH on the national level and it's focused on the state of Tucumán. The research seeks to reveal the problems associated with poverty and inequality. Analysing the scope of actions that each sub-national jurisdiction has: and generally, this is involved with operations to summon, disseminate and register the beneficiaries of it. Even though the role of the provinces is not relevant in the implementation of this public policy, it does allow reducing the number of actors involved, which tends to limit the incidence of political factors and its management becomes more efficient. Otherwise, the lack of participation of subnational governments in the implementation of the AUH may also constitute a deficiency since it limits the potential for dialogue between jurisdictional levels of government that could contribute to the comprehensiveness of public policies. Finally, recommendations will be presented in order to improve the management of the program and its coordination with other national and local initiatives. ; En la actualidad, más del 40% de las personas en situación de pobreza en la Argentina son niños/as y adolescentes. En 2009, se creó la Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social (AUH) para hacer frente a esta problemática al equiparar los derechos de los hijos/as de los trabajadores/as formales con los de los informales y desempleados. Este documento analiza la implementación de la AUH a nivel nacional y hace foco en la Provincia de Tucumán. Busca relevar las problemáticas asociadas a la pobreza y la desigualdad. Se analiza el margen de acción que tiene cada jurisdicción subnacional: en general se restringe, esencialmente, a participar en algunos operativos de convocación, difusión e inscripción de los titulares. Si bien el rol de las provincias no es relevante en la implementación de esta política pública, sí permite reducir el número de actores involucrados, lo cual tiende a limitar la incidencia de los factores políticos y la gestión se vuelve más eficiente. No obstante, la falta de participación de los gobiernos subnacionales en la implementación de la AUH puede constituirse también en una deficiencia dado que limita el potencial de diálogo entre niveles jurisdiccionales de gobierno que podría aportar a la integralidad de las políticas públicas. Finalmente, se presentan recomendaciones para mejorar la gestión del programa y su coordinación con otras iniciativas nacionales y provinciales.