Suchergebnisse

"Understanding and Deploying the Political Settlement Framework in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Hegemonic Political Regimes in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

Uses a theoretical framework of social action as an embodied process to examine how changes in migration transformed the social & political structure of Kennett Square PA, the home of the nation's largest commercial mushroom industry. Information was obtained from participant-observations carried out between 1995-2002 at a local social service provider for Mexican migrants; 60 in-depth interviews with Mexican settlers & English-speaking residents; & three trips to the immigrant's home city in Mexico where 170 household surveys focused on migration & work histories were conducted. The primarily English-speaking residents of Kennett Square considered themselves socially progressive until Mexican families began putting down roots & purchasing homes. Protests against Mexican settlement caused a division within the Anglo community that ultimately led to the formation of a social movement called Bridging the Community. It is contended that the formation of the Bridging movement illustrates how the embodied experience of fear incites social action & reaffirms local identity. The impact of the movement on both Mexican settlers & long-term residents is discussed. Figures, References. J. Lindroth

"Industrial Policy and Development in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Deutschland ist schon lange ein Einwanderungsland. Das Thema Integration ist nicht zeitgleich ein politisches Handlungsfeld geworden. Es ist vergleichsweise neu. Die Politik hat Versäumnisse erkannt: Zuwanderinnen und Zuwanderer sind nicht in gleichem Maße an Bildung, Arbeitsmarkt und gesellschaftlicher Teilhabe beteiligt wie Einheimische, sie werden zum Teil auch noch diskriminiert. Insgesamt sind Strategien für eine vielfältige, internationale Gesellschaft erforderlich. Für einen großen Teil der Zuwanderinnen und Zuwanderer ist die Integration über den Arbeitsmarkt gelungen. Es gibt aber in fast allen Städten und Gemeinden sozial segregierte Quartiere, in denen viele von Armut und Arbeitslosigkeit betroffene Menschen leben, darunter überproportional viele mit Migrationshintergrund. In diesem Lebensumfeld müssen Unterstützungsleistungen ansetzen. Städte und Gemeinden entwickeln integrierte Konzepte für die umfassende Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen und -chancen. Das Städtebauförderungsprogramm 'Soziale Stadt' gibt wichtige Impulse für abgestimmtes Handeln, um dieses komplexe Ziel zu erreichen." (Autorenreferat)

"In the past two decades, scholars and practitioners have focused increasing attention on the question of how countries and societies can come to terms with a history of violence and war, oppression and human rights violations. The concept of transitional justice (TJ) has come to play a prominent role in academic debates on democratization, nation-building and state reconstruction, and has gained widespread support from international organizations. Judicial proceedings and prosecution of individuals suspected to have committed gross violations of human rights, truth commissions designed to establish a record of wrongdoing, reparations to the victims and vetting or dismissals of persons from certain positions have become 'central ingredients in the 'menu' of reforms recommended by international organizations, donor agencies and outside experts for societies in transition from war or authoritarianism' (Thoms et al. 2008, 9). The concept of reconciliation has gained similar popularity. In the past decade 'reconciliation' has become one of the four main categories of initiatives that receive donors' support, along with political development, socio-economic assistance and security (Smith 2004). Many researchers and practitioners see reconciliation as a necessary requirement for lasting peace, assuming that once a top-down political settlement has been reached, a bottom-up process should take place, in which unresolved issues of the conflict will be handled in order to prevent questioning of the settlement and a return to violence. In this context, coming to terms with the past is considered a precondition for building peace and future relationships. This chapter reviews the debates on transitional justice and reconciliation in order to assess the practical approaches that stem from these concepts in terms of their relevance for conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The next section reflects the state of research on international criminal justice and truth commissions and highlights the strengths and limits of these approaches. Section 3 reveals that the debates on transitional justice and reconciliation, although they overlap, are not identical, and outlines the need to see reconciliation as a multi-level process alongside conflict transformation. The discourses on all these concepts are marked by significant research gaps and many open questions, which are summarized at the end of both sections. The fourth and final section spells out diverse challenges for research and practice. These include a need to focus on the interaction of different actors, levels and mechanisms and to listen to the voices of affected populations." (excerpt)

"Slum Politics in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

The main explanatory variables used to analyze the transformation of state social ist societies are elite circulation and renewal. It is contended that, while the transformation may be elite-led, transformation should be analyzed as a revolutionary process promoted by, and favoring, class interests. It is hy pothesized that the transformation of the postcommunist countries has involved a process in which endogenous and exogenous class forces have played a major role. The absence of (economic) civil society under state socialism gave rise to a deficient ascendant capitalist class. Viewing capitalism as an international system, political elites acting in the international arena, through an alliance with exogenous elites, activated a move to markets and privatization. In the post-communist period, class in equality and tension have risen. The weakness of civil so ciety is a consequence of an undeveloped incumbent bourgeois class, which in turn limits the effectiveness of class rule. The rapid forms of imposed economic and political change, involving the dislocation of the social structure, have weakened the formation of an oppositional class consciousness. The inclusion of counter-elites into the political system (the "elite settlement") ensuring a form of political management represses ideological opposition and further limits the rise of class consciousness.

An examination of the communal conflict in Northern Ireland contends that there has been an increasing openness to emancipatory ideas in the peace process. The focus is on how changes in the conditions of conflict have made it possible for many of the political parties to combine emancipatory aims & rhetoric with realist strategies. The Belfast Agreement of 10 April 1998 is described as a product of these changes. It offered both an institutional framework for managing conflict & a path for transforming the conditions of conflict by identifying the social & cultural foundations of conflicting interests & identities. An overview of the origins of the Northern Ireland conflict is followed by a look at the underlying causes of the conflict; its evolution over time; & the historical context surrounding the emergence of the Belfast Agreement. It is argued that tensions & contradictions in the current settlement can only be addressed by strengthening emancipatory elements of the process. The potential for an emancipatory approach to build on & sustain the settlement is discussed. J. Lindroth

"This article provides an overview of OSCE engagement in the frozen conflicts in its area, outlining the tools used by the Organization to facilitate conflict resolution, while at the same time emphasizing the importance of political engagement by the respective stakeholders. While the OSCE will continue its engagement and further strengthen its toolbox, a lasting solution of the frozen conflicts will only be achieved if there are moments of ripeness, in which the sides involved perceive a settlement mediated by a third party as less painful than the status quo. After a short introductory discussion of the notion of frozen conflicts, the following three chapters will give a brief overview of the involvement of the OSCE in the conflicts with regards to Transdniestria Georgia and Nagorno-Karabakh and the tools and mechanisms applied. The final chapter will draw a brief comparison of the three conflicts and will put the OSCE efforts in relation to the notion of 'political will'." (author's abstract)

"This chapter examines specific consequences of the practices of the Israeli regime in the occupied territory for the part of Israel that most Israelis consider the proper part of the state: the area within the Green Line. My assumption is that even if die occupation ends today, die impact of decades of occupation will leave sufficiently deep imprints on the structure and political culture of the Israeli regime to stifle its future democratic character. Any assessment of the impact of Israel's occupation on aspects of Israeli democracy since the Six Day War, and especially the impact of decades of expanding controversial Jewish settlements in the occupied territories, faces the methodological difficulty of attributing specific regressions in Israeli democracy since 1967 to the causal effects of the occupation. The difficulty resides in the fact that social and political transformations, as well as changes in the economy, technology of communications, patterns of migration and immigration, shifts in collective values, and developments in political culture, may have had deleterious effects on Israeli democracy regardless of the occupation. Nevertheless, while I do not intend to discuss hypothetical speculative history, I think that the omnipresence of the occupation in the life of the Israeli democracy provides a wide-ranging basis for substantiating preliminary observations on the impact of the occupation on Israeli politics, legal structure, the military, social perceptions of the limits of legitimate internal and external uses of force, norms and practices of the bureaucracy, the educational system, the formal and informal status of Israeli Arabs, the relations between religion and politics, and the international legitimacy of Israel as a democracy." (extract)

"Veränderte Rahmenbedingungen wie neue Informationstechnologien, Globalisierung der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen und zunehmende 'Supranationalisierung' politischer Entscheidungsfindung erhöhen den Druck auf eine Reform der politisch-administrativen Systeme. Zudem wird vor dem Hintergrund einer verstärkten Ausdifferenzierung der Gesellschaft bezüglich der sozialen Lage, der Wertvorstellungen und der Lebensstile sowie der Zunahme der räumlichen Konzentration von Armut die politisch-administrative Regulation nach einheitlichen Zielvorstellungen immer schwieriger und bedarf neuer, innovativer Vermittlungsformen. Wenn es weiterhin richtig ist, dass die Regulationsmöglichkeiten und -fähigkeiten der Nationalstaaten zusehends erodieren, und die aktive Beeinflussung von Politik durch BürgerInnen auf der supranationaler Ebene schwierig ist, dann wird die Ebene der Städte für die Erarbeitung von Modellen für die Neugestaltung des Verhältnisses von Staat, Markt und Zivilgesellschaft und damit für die Suche nach innovativen Regulationsformen relevanter. Die jüngste Vergangenheit ist dadurch geprägt, dass einzelne Städte neue Organisations- und Kommunikationsformen sowie neue Regulationsstrategien zur Lösung des Problems der räumlichen Konzentration von Armut entwickelt haben. Solche Strategien, in welchen unterschiedliche Politik- und Verwaltungsfelder zusammengeführt und neu koordiniert werden, drücken sich in lokal unterschiedlichen Formen des 'Quartiersmanagements' aus und werden zumeist im Zusammenhang mit der Einrichtung von lokalen 'Governance-Strukturen', die eine Form der Reaktion auf die 'notwendige' Überwindung von Starrheiten und Rigiditäten von 'fordistischen' Regimen sind, thematisiert. Der Begriff 'Governance' verweist u.a. auf die Berücksichtigung unterschiedlicher Akteure aus dem privatwirtschaftlichen, öffentlichen und gemeinnützigen Sektor in politischen Entscheidungsfindungen, auf die Einrichtung horizontaler Verhandlungssysteme als projektorientierte Politikformen sowie auf die Etablierung von Strukturen 'effizienter Regulation'. In diesem Beitrag wird untersucht, inwiefern diese städtischen Programme zur Bekämpfung der räumlichen Konzentration von Armut tatsächlich einen Wandel der lokalen politisch-administrativen Systeme im Hinblick auf die Etablierung von effizienten Regulationsmechanismen unterstützen, welche Hindernisse diesem Wandel entgegenstehen und wie Empowerment-Strategien im Sinne von Mitbestimmung, Aktivierung sowie Partizipation in diesem Kontext des Wandels konzipiert und umgesetzt werden." (Autorenreferat)

"This presentation will analyze the future of post-Katrina New Orleans. It will discuss the pattern of impacts of the hurricane across neighborhoods and across racial and class categories, identifying 'whose New Orleans' is really at stake in the recovery. Early media reports about the wind damage and flooding caused by Hurricane Katrina focused especially on the people who had been unable to escape the city before it flooded. Images of poor and predominantly black people crowded into the Superdome and Convention Center supported the impression that Katrina had disproportionately affected poor, black neighborhoods. Analysis of FEMA storm damage data shows that this image is correct. Damaged areas had nearly twice the proportion of black residents as did undamaged areas. Closer inspection of neighborhoods within New Orleans shows that some affluent white neighborhoods were hard hit, while some poor minority neighborhoods were spared. Yet if the post-Katrina city were limited to the population previously living in areas that were undamaged by the storm - that is, if nobody were able to return to damaged neighborhoods - New Orleans is at risk of losing more than 80% of its black population. This means that policy choices affecting who can return, to which neighborhoods, and with what forms of public and private assistance, will greatly affect the future character of the city. Emphasis will be given to the role of local politics in creating the conditions for natural disaster, particularly in the urban development process that left black neighborhoods particularly exposed. He argues that decisions about the future are not technical questions about disaster prevention but political questions about whose interests will be protected. And the pattern of neighborhood mobilization in the first year after the hurricane and the diaspora from the city have greatly affected what voices are being heard in the political arena. New Orleans' first election after Hurricane Katrina was conducted under unusual conditions. A large share of the population remained displaced outside the city, and the majority of displaced persons were living outside the State of Louisiana. Those living away from home were disproportionately black residents and among blacks they were disproportionately low-income. Among displaced persons, blacks were considerably more likely than white to be living outside the metropolitan area and outside the state. Although Hurricane Katrina reshaped the political map of the city by suppressing the vote in the poorest and blackest neighborhoods, the dynamics of the mayoral campaign represent a more remarkable shift in the composition of support for the winning candidate, Mayor Ray Nagin. Having been elected in 2002 on the basis of his strong showing in white and more affluent neighborhoods, despite being black himself, the Mayor has been re-elected with his main edge among neighborhoods with predominantly black and low to middle income residents. A key question for the future is how development policy in his second term will respond to the needs of his new electoral constituency. At the moment it appears that city policy will instead follow the market, encouraging redevelopment in more affluent neighborhoods regardless of their vulnerability to flooding, actively reducing the supply of low-rent public housing, and using public funds to support homeowners rather than working class renters. In this case the 'natural disaster' of the hurricane will give way to an 'unnatural disaster' of public policy." (author's abstract)