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The focus of the contribution of Cattacin and Naegeli is the question of the spatial environment thrive social innovation and whether, and if so, how the settlement can be controlled politically by social innovation. Previously drawing upon on Max Weber, Jurgen Habermas and Richard Florida, designate the complexity of the city, more freedom, openness, density and heterogeneity as an indispensable framework for innovation. Assuming comparing urban configurations and show the possibilities and the limitations of political control of innovation. Adapted from the source document

Although "informal urbanisation" is a main characteristic of many cities in the global south, and extensively discussed by a growing number of publications, many contribution fail to take it's political side into account. With this background the article discusses the changes in the relation between the state and the squatter-settlements in Caracas. Major attention is paid towards innovative instruments that have been introduced by the Bolivarian government to foster the development of a "participative and protagonist democracy" in the slums of Venezuelas capital. (Prokla / FUB)

As research has shown, it is religion that often plays a crucial role for the outcome of peace processes. Political elites have tried regularly to exploit religion in order to remain in power. In this line of thinking, the primary unit of analysis are actors & institutions. By placing social systems at the centre of my study, I hope to come closer to the solutions of the hidden question implied in the title: the paradox of Buddhist Fundamentalism. Therefore, I assume that the social function of the subsystems politics & religion, & their strategies are responsible for conflict & violence. Conflict & violence are here conceptualized as social systems themselves. Since 1983, Sri Lanka has been tom apart by a bloody civil war between the guerilla of the Tamil minority population & the Government formed by the majority Sinhalese. During the last decades, various attempts at negotiating a settlement have been made, which not only failed abysmally but led to further escalation of the conflict. By analyzing the conflict using social systems theory, I try to pin down the reasons for the failure of peace. References. Adapted from the source document.

Inwieweit taugt der europäische Integrations- und Erweiterungsprozess als neuer Regelungs- und Referenzrahmen zur Lösung des zyprischen Nationalitätenproblems und vergleichbarer ethnischer Minderheitenfragen in der Gemeinschaft? Die bis heute scheinbar unlösbare Zypernproblematik wird durch die historische Vielschichtigkeit und die blockierenden Konfliktperzeptionen der Akteure gekennzeichnet. viele Gelegenheiten, den Konflikt unter UNO-Vermittlung bzw. durch vertrauensbildende Maßnahmen mithilfe der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft zu lösen, wurden in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten verpasst. Die Aufnahme der Republik Zypern in die EU hat nun neue Erwartungen für eine umfassende Lösung geweckt. Als eine Verständigung über die Friedensinitiative von UN-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan wiederholt am Widerstand der politischen Führungen gescheitert war, durften erstmals auch die zyprischen Wähler in getrennten Referenden über die Gründung einer neuen Republik nach föderalem Schweizer Vorbild unter dem gemeinsamen Dach der EU entscheiden. Scheiterte der Annan-Plan, wären eine anhaltende Wiederannäherung der beiden Bevölkerungsgruppen und die dauerhafte Stabilisierung der gesamten Region nur noch über den EU Beitritt der Türkei und eine durchgreifende Entspannungspolitik unterhalb der sensiblen Statusfragen vorstellbar. (Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft / FUB)

In comparison with other Arctic regions, Russia's Arctic is considerably more densely populated. This is the result of a population policy that served industrialisation first and foremost. In the Soviet Union, deportations, subsidised resettlements, and the sedentarisation of nomads were the instruments of this policy. Today, Russia is pursuing other political and economic goals and is trying to disband unprofitable settlements in the north. However, the process of settling people back to sub-arctic zones is encountering resistance. People who were once resettled to the north are still, or once again, living in the region's new ghost towns. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that current conditions are promising for a peaceful settlement of the nationalist conflict in the Basque country (Spain). A proposal is put forth that is based on recognition of the historical rights of the Basque country & a related renegotiation of political & institutional matters. Liberal & communitarian theories of collective rights are discussed, claiming that a solution is possible only when an essentialist approach toward exclusive collective rights is overcome by an inclusive understanding oriented toward a constant & negotiated reconstruction of these rights. The practicality of this proposal is considered in relation to the constraints & opportunities emanating from the Spanish constitution, political structures, prominent discourses, & identity constructions. It is concluded that social movements have taken a particularly constructive stance in actively developing & enabling this permissive situation & the different solutions under discussion. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

On the basis of an actor-centered institutionalist approach, the article provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of bargaining outcomes in the EU utilizing the Common Fisheries Policy as a case study. The research design is quite simple: a set of independent variables (member states' preferences, the European Commission's preferences & the institutional setting) is used to try to determine the dependent variable (the bargaining outcomes). This theoretical framework is then applied to two key negotiations which led to the establishment of the Common Fisheries Policy. Whereas the first bargaining situation deals with the negotiations on the settlement of the structural policy & of the common market organisation for fisheries products, the second focuses on the conservation & management policy of fish stocks. The central issue, besides member states' preferences, is to show the impact which the Commission's preferences, along with formal (unanimity voting) & informal rules (shadow of the future), had on the outcome of the two bargaining situations under consideration. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Contends that the resolution of nationalist conflicts depends primarily on three dimensions: (1) the social-structural homogeneity or heterogeneity of the ethnic groups involved in the conflict; (2) the influence of external nationalist actors & their alliance relationships to local conflict parties; & (3) the negotiating abilities & implementation capacities of political elites. This comparative analysis of the cases of Northern Ireland & South Tyrol in Italy suggests that the prospects for successful conflict resolution have been much more favorable in South Tyrol. In Northern Ireland, a negotiated settlement was blocked for a long time by a highly politicized, heterogeneous population, which allowed competing elites to split parties & set up rivaling organizations. The Northern Ireland Agreement of 1998 was finally enabled by the withdrawal of support by the Catholics' & Protestants' international allies. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

At the start of the year 1999, a new division of administration came into force. In this context, the two level structure (voivodeship, gmina) was replaced by a three level structure (voivodeship, powiat, gmina). The number of voivodeships was reduced from 49 to 16, and the individual levels of administration were given greater independence. The determination and delimitation of voivodeships contains additional political compromises. This article examines the correspondence or the deviation in the territorial division according to the new voivodeships in comparison to the actually existing socio-economic regions which actually exist in Poland. These regions are represented in this study by the nodal settlement systems and by the scientific systems. The comparison comes to the conclusion that, if there were to be the greatest possible alignment to the existing regions in the country, Poland would best have been divided into 10 voivodes hips. The greatest deviations from this ideal plan are to be found in the peripheral regions of Poland.