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After more than two decades of ongoing violent conflict, armed groups—however fleeting their existence—have become an integral feature of the eastern Congo's social-political order. They are not a temporary aberration in what is otherwise a normal society. They are at the heart of the way power is exercised and experienced. Moreover, armed groups do not stand apart from either society or the state apparatus. They are deeply embedded in social networks that regroup state and non-state actors and that stretch from the very local to the national and sometimes the sub-regional (Great Lakes area) and international levels. This report analyses the stability, inclusivity and levels of violence of both the political settlement of the Congo as a whole and of political settlements in the conflict-ridden east. It shows that in each of these political arenas, armed groups and violence play a different role, and examines how these arenas mutually influence each other. The relative importance of armed groups as either resources or threats to the power of the presidential patronage network shapes its policies towards the east, such as initiatives for military operations or negotiations. These policies influence the role that armed groups play locally. This role, in turn, shapes to what extent and how national politicians engage with armed groups; for instance, whether they support their mobilization or demobilization.

Many countries have extended rights of dual citizenship to their expatriates but, as Faist has noted, the road towards increasing tolerance of expatriate dual citizenship (EDC) has been 'bumpy'. This study seeks to illuminate the reasons for this bumpiness by examining the political dynamics surrounding EDC in Australia and Indonesia, two countries that have pursued distinct approaches to the issue. In both cases, we find that their approaches have reflected the nature of their political settlements and, in the Australian case, that this effect was mediated by political elite strategizing. We accordingly call on researchers to give greater attention to how political settlements and politicians' agency shape EDC adoption in future analysis.

In their influential paper for the National Council of Applied Economic Research, Chatterjee and Kapur raised some fundamental questions about Indian agriculture and why it has not transformed with economic development. They identify six important 'puzzles' in Indian agriculture, one of which is the political economy puzzle. This puzzle refers to the fact that farmers have not been able to leverage their power of land and numbers to economically benefit themselves. The essay utilizes the political settlements framework to understand the underlying causes of this puzzle. Such analysis is important as it recognizes the historical and sociocultural traditions to explain the economic phenomenon of the backwardness of Indian agriculture.

Draws on personal experience visiting Iraq to discuss current political realities as the Sunnis, Shias, & Kurds maneuver for power & the implications of a premature US withdrawal. Some suggestions for achieving victory are offered. Adapted from the source document.

This paper relies on literature review and primary data collected through in-depth interviews with 21 respondents to examine the political economy dynamics of the cocoa value chain in Ghana. The historical analysis, which was based on the political settlements framework, has shown that the policies implemented in the cocoa sector went through four periods. The colonial era was characterised by a fairly corporate governance system and struggle between European traders and farmer cooperatives for monopoly over internal marketing of cocoa. This was followed by the early post-independence era (1957–1980), which was characterised by neopatrimonialism and over-taxation of cocoa farmers. The third phase (1980–2000) witnessed economic reforms and liberalisation. The fourth phase (2000 to present) saw increased public–private partnerships aimed at empowering women and promoting environmentally friendly farming activities. The paper concludes that the policies in the cocoa sector have, historically, created more benefits (rents) to political elite and their crony capitalists. Given that rent-seeking behaviour is a threat to the sustainability of the cocoa sector, the paper urges international development partners and civil society groups to demand greater accountability and transparency from the political elite and state institutions in the cocoa sector.

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