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The article deals with the methodological problems of transformation processes in political science in the late XIX-th-early XX centuries and in the period between the two world wars. The author reveals the causes and origins of the crisis phenomena in political science due to the new political realities in the world and new trends in the political science development. The process of modern political science formation is analyzed in its gradual development (formal-legal, traditional, behavioral and post-behavioral). The special role of the Chicago revolution in political science, which created the environment and the ground for the emergence of the "behavioral" revolution, is revealed. The main program provisions of the "behavioral" revolution are indicated, its results, the main vectors of political science development in the post-behavioral era are revealed.The role of structural functionalism (G. Almond and his school) in the formation of modern political science is revealed. The article deals with the interaction of political science with related social disciplines, which led to the emergence of some hybrid disciplines of political knowledge, including political sociology and political management. The content of the hybridization concept is revealed. The role of sociology in this process as the "main donor" of political science in the considered era is revealed. Object-subject areas of political sociology and political management, their place and role in the mechanism of socio-political systems functioning in the subject field of political science are defined. Generalizing conclusions are made. ; В статье рассматриваются методологические проблемы трансформационных процессов в политической науке в конце XIX — начале ХХ столетий и в период между двумя мировыми войнами. Раскрываются причины и истоки зарождения кризисных явлений в политической науке, обусловленные новыми политическими реалиями, сложившимися в мире, и новыми тенденциями в развитии самой политической науки. Процесс становления современной политической науки анализируется в ее поэтапном развитии (формально-правовом, традиционном, поведенческом и пост-поведенческом). Раскрыта особая роль "чикагской революции" в политологии, создавшей среду и почву для возникновения "поведенческой" революции. Обозначены основные программные положения "поведенческой" революции, выявлены ее результаты, основные векторы развития политической науки в пост-поведенческую эпоху.Раскрыта роль структурного функционализма (Г. Алмонд и его школа) в формировании современной политической науки. Рассматривается взаимодействие политической науки со смежными социальными дисциплинами, приведшее к появлению целого ряда гибридных дисциплин политического знания, в том числе политической социологии и политического менеджмента. Раскрыто содержание понятия "гибридизация". Выявлена роль социологии в этом процессе как "главного донора" политической науки в рассматриваемую эпоху. Определены объектно-предметные области политической социологии и политического менеджмента, их место и роль в механизме функционирования социально-политических систем, в предметном поле политической науки. Сделаны обобщающие выводы.

This article is devoted to the history of the Department of Political Science and Sociology of Political Processes of the Faculty of Sociology at Lomonosov Moscow State University. The stages of the organization and formation of the Department, the processes of teaching formation and methodological activities, which have occurred over the thirty-year history of the Faculty of Sociology, are considered, and the priority areas of the professors research works are outlined. ; Представленная статья посвящена историческому аспекту развития кафедры политологии и социологии политических процессов социологического факультета Московского государственного университета имени М.В. Ломоносова. Рассмотрены произошедшие за тридцатилетнюю историю социологического факультета этапы организации и формирования кафедры, процессы становления учебно-методической деятельности, а также изложены приоритетные направления научно-исследовательской работы профессорскопреподавательского состава.

The article examines the use of sociology for the study of political processes and phenomena including preparation of a program of such study, application of quantitative and qualitative methods, etc. The techniques of empirical research that have been accepted in sociology and have become classical show their heuristic qualities in the application to such a complicated reality of contemporary world as politics. ; В статье рассматривается использование социологии для изучения политических процессов и явлений, включая подготовку программы такого изучения, применение количественных и качественных методов и т. д. Принятые в социологии приемы эмпирического исследования, ставшие классическими, показывают свои эвристические качества в приложении к такой сложной в современном мире реальности, как политика.

In our modern world electoral sociology, which is under constant scrutiny by the general public, as well as members of the media, in many ways shapes the image of sociology as a scientific discipline. Today sociology is often represented by media reports about the results of public opinion polls on the subject of politics and electoral affairs. Meanwhile a certain other trend is apparent: the high expectations imposed on electoral studies, as well as on their verifiability and efficiency, encourage the further development of sociological research and sociology in general. Scientific studies on electoral processes are defined by the convergence of various schools and paradigms of research, which implies an overlapping of different approaches and methods. This article presents the stages of electoral sociology's development, from "straw polls" to contemporary theories of electoral behavior (the straw poll stage, electoral sociology in the 1930's and 1940's, ecological analysis in electoral sociology, the behavioral approach, the sociological theory on electoral behavior, the socio-psychological theory of electoral behavior, the theory of instrumental rationality), which in modern electoral sociology are known as "post-Gallup" theories. The author reveals the main characteristics of each stage of modern electoral sociology's development, while highlighting its achievements and value, and giving a comprehensive analysis of modern theories of electoral behavior, with regards to issues located on the line between political sociology and sociology of law. Among these issues special consideration is given to elections as a political phenomenon, the political culture and political attitudes of the electorate, features of voting systems, political mechanisms and electoral technologies.

The following comments compare the present orientations of Czech sociology with recent developments in European sociology. The analysis of sociology in Europe shows that the attention of European sociologists has shifted to social theory & social philosophy, sociology of culture, media, gender & feminism, political sociology, nationalism, ethnicity, & racism. Czech sociology, in the opinion of the author, still does not pay sufficient attention to such pressing issues of Czech society as national identity, nationalism, value transformations, the role of traditions, & European integration processes.

Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.

A survey conducted by "Centre for Socio-economic and Humanities Research" at the Kama Polytechnic Institute in the city of Naberezhnye Chelny in October 1999 represents a specific material for the analysis of age differences in the political culture within a particular area - a major industrial city of the Republic of Tatarstan.

The authors analyze features of a political decision to reform the governance arrangements of public institutions; Institutionalizing norms and values of a political solution; epistemological ability of the subject to see the changes taking place and understand the usefulness of the object of these changes; problem of interpretation of freedom of political decisions and the focus of the authorities to solve public problems.

The sociological study of volunteerism typically uses a definition which includes all possible types of free, unpaid activities which benefit other people. Such an approach transforms the very phenomenon of volunteerism into an analytical tool for studying various fields of economic and social life: degrees of development of civil society, employment structure, features of a certain economic mode. Regardless, the use of such a definition when researching volunteer movements presents certain problems. Multiple critics point out that such an approach towards understanding volunteerism, on one hand, leads to various types of volunteer activity being excluded from the scope of research, namely those which do not fully comply with the aforementioned criteria of free choice and gratuitousness; on the other hand, it waters down the concept of volunteerism, by merging it with other forms of civil action, such as political activism. Furthermore, most studies exhibit a tendency towards highlighting volunteerism as a special type of action, which possesses persistent intrinsic characteristics regardless of the field in which it is being undertaken. Such an approach results in a complete lack of care for certain essential features of various types of those productive activities which volunteers can partake in. It's also worth noting that research doesn't tend to include practices of volunteerism when the main focus of analysis shifts towards studying the socio-demographic characteristics of participants, as well as issues concerning their motivation. Based on analyzing Russian and foreign sources, the article presents an overview of the issues associated with defining the boundaries of the field in question, while discussing the main difficulties when it comes to constructing a general theory of volunteerism, and analyzing the separation of various forms of civil activity which is typically present in foreign literature: volunteerism, grassroots political involvement, civil activism. The article brings forth arguments for limiting the subject of research and for analytical separation between various forms of civil activity.

It is impossible to understand modern Islamic (especially Arab) societies without taking into account the influence of Islamism as an ideology, cultural environment, mode of action, and lifestyle. Unfortunately, Islamism in many ways has remained a "phenomenon lurking behind the surface." In this article we will focus on the analysis of some political aspects of modern Islamism, showing how Islamism behaves when in opposition (where it feels more confident) and what happens when Islamists come to power in a legitimate way. We would like to show that Islamism is not something superficial, but the deepest and most comprehensive substance of Islamic societies. Therefore, it is extremely important to distinguish between radical and moderate Islamism, relying on the latter to weaken the former, since moderate Islamism can grow to be a positive and promising part of the political spectrum of Islamic countries. We believe that it is impossible to reduce the danger of radical terrorist Islamism by force alone. We can hope that this will decline if it can be divided by moderate Islamism and make the latter more respectable, open, and involved in normal political life.

The article focuses on representatives of the regional (and most recently established) level of government in the Czech Republic. It describes the context behind the emergence of regional governments & how they differ from the local & national political levels. It notes the close personnel connection between local & regional political elites. Experience gained in local politics helps elites to succeed at the regional level. The presence of local politicians in regional government varies with the level of residential fragmentation & the degree of urbanization in the given region. Unlike local politics, which is consistently comprised of a significant proportion of independents, regional representatives are almost exclusively members of political parties & movements. This situation on the one hand serves to increase the politicization of local politics & on the other leads to greater competition within political parties, whose programs & national leadership regional politicians wish to influence.

The article is about the specifics of political control as a form of social control. The author analyzes the practice of political control, identifies social control methods which applicable to the various objects. Particular attention is paid to the mechanisms of solving social problems arising in the process of implementation political control.

The article focuses on the differences in political participation among post-communist countries. First, it explores the variation in the level of political participation among post-communist states. Second, it deals with the differences in the determinants that account for political participation in individual countries. The second objective is met by introducing a three-dimensional explanatory model of political participation: individual resources, motivations, and social networks. In an empirical analysis political participation in nine post-communist countries is examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004. Results show that the countries under study vary in the level of political participation both at the aggregate and individual levels. The most active citizens are in the former East Germany and Slovakia. Polish and Hungarian citizens participate in politics the least. Further, two modes of political participation – protest activity and contacting – are identified and used as dependent variables in further analysis. In the second part of the article, the explanatory model is tested against data from individual countries. The analysis shows that there is a difference in the factors that account for political participation in various post-communist countries. Generally, the three-level model of political participation works best in Hungary, Bulgaria, and East Germany. It explains very little variation in Russia and Poland.