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My thesis is based on the premise that the change of the political system from socialism to post-socialism was not based on the otherwise branched­ out political education in socialism, but rather, on other factors of which the essential one is the third wave of democracy that swept across the Central, South and East European countries. (Inter)active citizenship can de­velop synergistically together with a positive attitude towards one's own country and with a stimulative influence on the citizens; with co-operation among the various (civil) groups and with modern education for citizenship (not only as the school subject of Citizenship Education and Ethics) as well as with its alternative goals together with the democratic and spiritual political culture. In view of the projected deadline for stability of democracy, which is expected to last 50 to 60 years, both types of culture are only at the initial phase of development in the new Slovenian state. ; Izhajamo iz teze, da spremembe političnega sistema iz socializma v postsocializem niso temeljile na sicer razvejenem političnem izobraževanju v socializmu, temveč na drugih dejavnikih, med katerimi je bistven tretji val demokracije, ki je zajel tudi srednje-, južno­ in vzhodnoevropske države. (lnter)aktivno državljanstvo se lahko razvija sinergično s pozitivnim odnosom do lastne države in spodbudnim vplivom na državljane, s sodelovanjem med različnimi (civilnimi) skupinami, s sodobnim izobraževanjem za državljanstvo (ne le s šolskim predmetom državljanska vzgoja in etika) in njegovimi alternativnimi cilji hkrati z demokratično in duhovno politično kulturo. Obe vrsti kulture sta v novi slovenski državi glede na predvideni rok za stabilnost demokracije, ki naj bi trajal 50-60 let, šele na začetni razvojni stopnji.

The democratisation and economic growth of the Asian Tigers, specifically South Korea and Taiwan, brought structural changes to the academic systems of these countries, particularly in the fields of political science and international relations. The article aims to provide a comprehensive and hybrid view on the regularity of political science in the academic environments (university systems) of East Asian countries with a focus on South Korea and Taiwan through the observational analysis method and a historical-sociological mechanism. The findings are summarised, where it is argued that the pentagonal democratic citizenship system (legal, political, cultural, social, economic) as well as the establishing of structural and updated political-economic relations with the main powers in the international system are the two crtitcial factors that have contributed to the adjustment of political science in East Asian countries, including South Korea and Taiwan. The article concludes that, along with the international and domestic developments in South Korea and Taiwan, political science underwent structural changes and is becoming more regulated and structured. Keywords: South Korea, Taiwan, political science, democracy, institution

Doktorska disertacija analizira konstituiranje funkcije predsednika republike v bivših socialističnih državah. Podrobneje je analiziran ustavni položaj predsednika republike Estonije, Latvije, Litve, Poljske, Češke, Slovaške, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Madžarske, Romunije ter Bolgarije, torej v enajstih državah članicah Evropske unije. Gre za ureditve, ki so funkcijo predsednika republike kot individualnega šefa države uvedle v devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Preučevane države so se ob konstituiranju funkcije predsednika republike in umestitvi njegovega položaja zgledovale po etabliranih pravnih sistemih. Pri tem je ob upoštevanju lastnih zgodovinskih, kulturnih in političnih razlogov prelitje posameznih ustavnih institutov privedlo do vzpostavitve svojevrstnega institucionalnega (ne)ravnovesja, kar odločilno vpliva na razmerje med vlado, parlamentom in predsednikom republike ter posledično na samo delovanje državne oblasti. V nekaterih ureditvah so bile sprva prisotne tendence po uvedbi sistema z močnejšim položajem šefa države, povzetim po predsedniškem oziroma polpredsedniškem sistemu, vendar je večina teh držav skozi ustavni razvoj in stabilizacijo političnega prostora postopoma omejila predsednikove pristojnosti. Drugače je v tistih ureditvah, kjer je ustavodajalec predsedniku že ob konstituiranju funkcije podelil predvsem reprezentativne pristojnosti, zgledujoč se po sistemih z nadvlado parlamenta, in tako onemogočil, da bi lahko predsednik, skladno s svojo nevtralno vlogo, ustrezno razreševal »krizne situacije« povezane z blokado oblasti, do katere lahko pride zaradi konfliktov med parlamentom in vlado. Danes se v analiziranih ustavnih ureditvah prepletajo številni elementi, značilni za različne politične sisteme, ki determinirajo (specifičen) položaj šefa države. Položaj predsednika republike, zlasti obseg njegovih pristojnosti in iz tega izhajajoča razmerja do zakonodajnih in izvršilnih organov, pa je hkrati tudi eno izmed temeljnih meril klasične klasifikacije političnih sistemov. Na predsednikov položaj poleg pristojnosti, ki jih izvršuje (predvsem na zakonodajnem in izvršilnem področju), vpliva tudi način njegove izvolitve. V primerjavi s tradicionalnimi zahodnimi sistemi v večini obravnavanih bivših socialističnih držav način izvolitve predsednika republike ni v neposredni korelaciji z obsegom njegovih formalno določenih pristojnosti. Na podlagi opravljene primerjalnopravne analize je mogoče ugotoviti, da ima predsednik republike v slovenski ureditvi (kjer mu je ustavodajalec z neposrednimi volitvami okrepil legitimnost, na drugi strani pa mu hkrati določil šibke, predvsem reprezentativne pristojnosti) najšibkejši položaj izmed obravnavanih enajstih bivših socialističnih držav. ; This doctoral dissertation deals with the constituting i.e. formation of the function of the President of the Republic in former socialist countries. It analyses in greater detail the constitutional role of the President of the Republic of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, i.e. eleven Member States of the European Union. These states put in place the office of President of the Republic as the individual Head of State in the 1990s. In the process of the formation of the function of the President of the Republic, the countries analysed took inspiration from other established legal systems. In this context, while taking into account their own historical, cultural and political reasons, these states have experienced a spill-over of individual constitutional institutions leading to the creation of a sui generis institutional equilibrium i.e. separation of powers, or lack thereof, which has a decisive impact on the relations between the Government, the Parliament and the President of the Republic, as well as, consequently, on the functioning of the authority of the state itself. Some political systems initially showed a tendency to introduce a system with a stronger head of state, inspired by presidential or semi-presidential republics, but the majority of these countries gradually limited the powers of the President through the constitutional development and stabilisation of their political space. The situation is, however, different in those countries where, from the very beginning of the formation of the function of the President of the Republic, the constitutional legislator conferred upon the President mainly representative powers, following the example of systems with parliamentary supremacy, thus preventing the President, in accordance with his or her neutral role, from being able to adequately address 'crisis situations' in relation to the blocking of authorities arising from conflicts between the Parliament and Government. Hence, the analysed constitutional regimes have now seen certain elements appear which are "alien" to different political systems and which determine the (specific) position of the Head of State. The position of the President of the Republic, and in particular the extent of his or her powers and the resulting relationship with the legislative and executive bodies, is also one of the fundamental criteria of the classic classification of political systems. In addition to the powers exercised (mainly in the legislative and executive domains), the President's position is also influenced by the way he or she is elected. Compared to traditional western systems, the way in which the President of the Republic is elected in most of the former socialist states in question is not directly correlated to the extent of his or her formally defined powers. Based on the analysis of comparative law carried out, it can be concluded that in a regime like the one set up in Slovenia (where the constitutional legislator strengthened the President's legitimacy by holding direct elections, but at the same time conferred upon him or her weak, mainly representative powers), the President's position is the weakest among the eleven former socialist states analysed.

Local communities have an important role in society. According to states legislature they execute local public policies. Those processes include local democracy, public administration, local economy and social entities. Also they combine public and private resources. All of these groups of factors have their own capacity. Capacity is their ability to achieve goals and consists from inside and outside factors. Capacity of local self-government is integrated capacity. It represents holistic capacity for those units. It tells us, whether they are capable of doing things they should do, according to social and political system and its demands. Local units have different level of capacity. With conceptual model and field research we tested our research hypothesis. Our hypothesis is that local self-government communities with higher capacity offer their residents broader local public services and goods. Also we studies influence of political stability and autonomy on capacity. On representative sample of municipalities in Republic of Slovenia we confirmed all ours research hypothesis. Conceptual model of capacity is a tool for analysing individual communities and for analysing the whole system of local-self government. Also many suggestions for improvement can be made.

The study of electoral campaigns is nowadays one of the very topical & popular themes in the field of the scientific-research work. Electoral campaigns can be defined in several ways & from several points of view. In this paper, a campaign is understood as a set of diverse activities performed to influence the electoral result. These activities can be studied according to the political-system, time-space, organizational & instrumental dimensions of their performance. The key purpose of the paper is to analyze & typologize the features of electoral campaigns of today's urban municipality mayors in Slovenia during their standing as candidates in local elections in 2006. By using various methodological & statistical approaches & tools, it was found out in the analyzed cases that electoral campaigns were an important part of the electoral process & that, according to planning features & implementing plans, they were very specific in all the studied municipalities. Because of this, the campaigns in the studied elections were characterized as particular & highly localized. Despite these particularities, four different types of campaigns were highlighted according to the groups of similar features: a) traditional campaigns; b) charismatic candidate campaigns; c) modern local campaigns & d) an intense campaign mosaic. Regardless of the particularities of the campaign activities & processes, it turned out that they played an important role at the local level of political activity. Adapted from the source document.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Republic of Bulgaria with an emphasis on its decentralization & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official language, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature (a unicameral parliament), the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the election & powers of the president, (3) self-government on regional & local levels, (4) division into provinces & communes, & (5) local government structure (the provincial government, municipal council, & the office of mayor). Adapted from the source document.

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Czech Republic with an emphasis on its decentralization & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official language, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of the legislative & executive branches; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local self-government, (4) division into counties, townships, & communes, & (5) local government structure (the county assembly & commissioner, municipal council, & the office of mayor). Adapted from the source document.

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Greek Republic with an emphasis on its decentralized nature & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official language, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature (a unicameral parliament), the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local governments, (4) division into regions, departments, & communes, & (5) local government structure (regional council, general secretary of the region, municipal council, & the office of mayor). Adapted from the source document.

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Republic of Cyprus with an emphasis on its decentralized characteristics & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official languages, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature, the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local governments, (4) division into departments (Greek & Turkish & their UN supervision) & communes, & (5) local government structure (the municipal council, the office of mayor, & administrative committees). Adapted from the source document.

After explaining the relationship between the executive, legislative, & judicial branches of government in the parliamentary system of the Republic of Estonia, the election, duties, responsibilities, & prerogatives of the office of president in this country are described. The Estonian constitutional law allows for up to five rounds of presidential election. The president of the Republic is elected by the parliament in the first three rounds of elections. If no candidate receives a majority of votes, a special electoral body, consisting of members of parliament & local government representatives, is formed to elect the president in the fourth, & if needed, fifth round. The Estonian president is elected for a five-year term, but no more than two consecutive terms. In exceptional circumstances, the term of the office of president can be longer or shorter than five years. The representative, executive, legislative (eg, the veto power), & commander-in-chief duties of the Estonian president are described, & scenarios for president recall/impeachment are outlined. Adapted from the source document.

Demokracija je oblika oblasti, ki jo danes večina ljudi dojema kot najbližjo idealni ureditvi države, saj temelji na svobodi, enakosti in varnosti – ciljih, za katere bi si morala prizadevati sodobna družba. V uvodu, ki je hkrati prvo poglavje magistrske naloge, podajam opredelitve demokracije in ustavne demokracije na način, kot jih trenutno razumem sama. V drugem poglavju se ukvarjam z načeli in pogoji ustavne demokracije ter z ustavno demokracijo v Republiki Sloveniji. V tretjem poglavju poskušam poudariti pomen ustave. Najbolj me zanima, ali ustava kot najpomembnejši pravni in politični akt svobodo v demokratični ureditvi omejuje ali jo zagotavlja. Čeprav je demokracija nepredstavljiva brez svobode kot svojega temeljnega elementa, ta svoboda ne sme in ne more biti neomejena. Si lahko predstavljamo družbo, v kateri svoboda nima meje, v kateri ni vrhovnega zakona, na katerega bi se lahko vsak posameznik skliceval, ko njegove pravice ogroža država ali drug posameznik? Prvo ključno vprašanje, s katerim se v tem kontekstu ukvarjam, je del četrtega poglavja z naslovom »Človekove pravice in svoboščine – srž ustavne demokracije?«. V petem poglavju namenim pozornost Ustavnemu sodišču. Bistvo ustavne demokracije je Ustavno sodišče opredelilo v odločbi št. U-I-111/04 z dne 8. 7. 2004, ki jo predstavim na koncu magistrske naloge. V sklepu predstavim moj osebni pogled na politični sistem, kakšna je ustavna demokracija ter potrdim oziroma zavrnem postavljene hipoteze ; Democracy is a form of government that is perceived by most people today as the closest to the ideal form of a state, since it is based on freedom, equality and security – the goals that every modern society should aim for. The introduction of the master's thesis, which is also its first chapter, defines democracy and constitutional democracy from our point of view. The second chapter focuses on the principles and conditions of the constitutional democracy and briefly presents the constitutional democracy in the Republic of Slovenia. The third chapter tries to underline the significance of the Constitution. We were mostly interested if the Constitution as the most important legal and political act in a democratic systemrestricts or guarantees ourfreedom. Although democracy is unperceivable without freedom as its fundamental element, it must not and cannot be unlimited. Is it possible to imagine a society in which freedom is unlimited and where there is no supreme law one can refer to in case their rights are undermined by the state or another individual? The first key question that is raised in this context is part of the forth chapter, titled Human Rights and Liberties – Core of Constitutional Democracy? The fifth chapter deals with the Constitutional Court. The essence of the constitutional democracy was defined by the Constitutional Court in the U-I111/04 decree on July 8th, 2004, which is presented at the very end of our master's thesis. The conclusion encompasses our personal view of the political system, such as the constitutional democracy, and either confirms or refutes our set hypotheses.