Suchergebnisse

The objective of the investigation was to analyze the structure and administration of the political system in Iraq (post-ISIS). After 2003, the Iraqi political system suffered the fundamental problem of its failure to achieve the political and social inclusion that characterizes democratic systems, to guarantee the establishment of a "state for all", while respecting differences. Political representation has moved from the system of sectarian ethnic components, under the title of consensual democracy, to the representation of leaders and the realization of their interests and the interests of their parties at the expense of the groups that claim to represent them, which complicates the problem. In this sense, the new political system could not represent social pluralism, on the one hand, and could not satisfy the demands of the same components on the other. Methodologically, it is a political investigation in the framework of the analysis of the political system. It was concluded that the search for new balances is a pending issue. While these emerging balances and arrangements are still fragile and immature to the extent required, they represent a clear entry point to reshape the regime's political structure in one form or another.

Dos rasgos constitucionales enmarcan el arribo de México a la democracia: la creación de instituciones electorales creíbles y la preservación de reglas correspondientes al régimen autoritario heredadas de los años treinta del siglo XX. Ambos conjuntos de reglas chocan entre sí, lo que explica bajos niveles de gobernanza democrática y baja calidad de la legislación y las políticas públicas. El debate político sobre esta contradicción parece haber tocado fondo y se han propuesto diversas alternativas para salir de esta situación. Sin embargo, no se han alcanzado los acuerdos políticos necesarios para avanzar en una dirección definida. El artículo describe estos procesos y expone las alternativas en disputa así como los resultados posibles en el futuro cercano.

En 1997, Hong Kong volvió a China en el marco de la gobernanza conocida como «Un país, dos sistemas», que fue ideado para permitir a la China continental seguir siendo «socialista», mientras Hong Kong podía mantener su sistema capitalista. Sin embargo, la estrategia retórica y legal de mantener metafórica y constitucionalmente la distancia entre los dos lugares y seguir afirmando su soberanía y unidad, es ambigua y contradictoria. Este artículo explora estas ambiguas contradicciones (estratégicas, ideológicas y retóricas) y tras ello su impacto en el debate sobre la democracia y el sufragio en Hong Kong, que su constitución, la Ley básica, promete para el futuro.

La democracia es un sistema intrínsecamente vinculado con la existencia y funcionamiento de los partidos políticos (Duverger, 1957 y 1980). En Venezuela, desde las postrimerías del siglo XIX y los inicios del siglo XX, entra en crisis la estructura caudillista en la cual se expresaba la acción política y comienzan a configurarse las organizaciones que con el advenimiento de la explotación petrolera y la modernidad, terminarán constituyéndose en partidos políticos, que actuarán y sobrevivirán cruentas dictaduras, hasta convertirse en ejes de la construcción de la democracia; con posterioridad, en las dos últimas décadas del siglo XX, el sistema de partidos afronta una profunda crisis de deslegitimación. Este proceso conducirá a una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente (1999) y a la conformación de partidos emergentes: Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela, Un Nuevo Tiempo, Primero Justicia, Voluntad Popular. El objetivo de este trabajo es caracterizar el estilo de liderazgo en esos noveles partidos. El método empleado es documental, descriptivo y analítico. Se concluye que las características que diferencian el estilo de liderazgo de los partidos emergentes se determina en función del grado de vinculación que tengan con las corrientes del pensamiento militarista o civilista sobre el gobierno, el Estado y las relaciones con la sociedad. ; Democracy is a system intrinsically linked to the existence and functioning of political parties (Duverger, 1957 and 1980). In Venezuela, from the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, the caudillo structure in which political action was expressed and the organizations that, with the advent of oil exploitation and modernity, began to form In political parties, that will act and survive bloody dictatorships, until they become axes of the construction of the democracy; Later, in the last two decades of the twentieth century, the party system faces a profound crisis of delegitimation. This process will lead to a Constituent National Assembly (1999) and to the formation of emerging parties: United Socialist Party of Venezuela, A New Time, First Justice, Popular Will. The objective of this work is to characterize the style of leadership in these new parties. The method used is documentary, descriptive and analytical. It is concluded that the characteristics that differentiate the leadership style of emerging parties is determined by the degree of linkage they have with the currents of militaristic or civilist thinking about government, state and relations with society. ; 384-395 ; moralese@hotmail.com ; mairelyh@gmail.com ; Cuatrimestral

Nancy Shields Kollmann, The boyar clan and court politics: the founding of the Muscovite political system.
The organization of politics at the Muscovite court in the fourteenth century is shown to have been based on kinship relationships amongst boyars, the counsellors of the sovereign grand prince. The circumstances of Moscow's emergence as a regional power in the fourteenth century and particular aspects of the family history of the sovereign Danilovich family nurtured the development of a cohesive political elite of boyar clans. One can plot the emergence of boyar clans in the fourteenth century, and one can discern a hierarchy of power amongst them. Study of the thousandman post, which fell into disuetude by 1373, reveals that kinship links with the sovereign clan were the foundation of predominance in the hierarchy, and further suggests that court political crises can best be analyzed as struggles amongst factions of boyars.

En este artículo abordamos el papel de la mujer en el mundo Inca centrándonos primeramente en la mujer "sin privilegios" y trabajadora para pasar posteriormene a analizar la importancia de la mujer en la economía y en el poder político. Se incluye además un breve estado de la cuestión haciendo un llamamiento sobre el vacío historiográfico del tema. No es este un ensayo plagado de datos y pedestres descripciones; se ha primado la interpretación para poder penetrar en las estructuras mentales del pasado. No estará libre el texto de reflexiones, tan necesarias en nuestra sociedad actual. ; In this article, we discuss the role of women in the Inca world, focusing first on the "unprivileged" and hardworking women, and then analyzing the importance of women in the economy and in political power. It also includes a brief state of the issue calling for the historiographical vacuum of the subject. This is not a trial plagued with data and pedestrian descriptions; The interpretation has prevailed to be able to penetrate in the mental structures of the past. The text will not be free of reflections, so necessary in our society.

Eric Weil was perhaps one of the last philosophers who have consciously built a system. His philosophy has distinguished itself through the positive and fully philosophical assertion of politics and the fervent need of understanding and explaining reality. Just like on a chessboard, Weil has introduced individuals and institutions and studied their relations. Of the state, he has conveyed a structural definition by appealing to the image of a form enabling to a given community conscious decision-making. By capturing how the State becomes, how it acquires a meaning, this article offers an insight on Eric Weil's political thought, which is the source of an original model of comprehension and understanding of the modern state. Weil's writings endorse here two main criteria: the ideal of the defence of individual liberties and the principle of a coherent discursive action of the thinker, who has to denounce any kind of violence, to educate and to prompt discussion. The analysis focuses on the book named La philosophie politique (Vrin, Paris, 1956), which shows, in its two first chapters, how the moral issue leads on to the political one and describes, in the last two chapters, how the structure of the political issues has made necessary for the statesman to reconcile with moral.

En este trabajo trato de hacer un esbozo de la situación de la mujer desde la perspectiva de los distintos credos religiosos y las garantías que ofrecen los diferentes sistemas políticos mundiales en el concreto reconocimiento de la dignidad de la persona humana. ; In this one work tries to do to him(you,them) a sketch of the situation of the woman from the prespectiva of the different religious creeds and the guarantees that offer the different political world systems in the area of his(her,your) dignity of human person.

Dentro de la democracia el pluralismo juega un papel fundamental como un valor democrático que remite a una sociedad donde conviven pacífica y productivamente diversos puntos de vista, intereses y proyectos, que en ocasiones pueden entrar en conflicto, los cuales deben resolverse dentro de las reglas del juego aceptadas por todos y respetando las diferencias ; In democracy the pluralism plays an important role as a value which indicates a peaceful society with a wide range of points of view, interests and plans living together. At times this diversity can produce conflicts that need a solution regarding the democratic rules and observing the differences

For historical, organisational, clientelist, violent and constitutional reasons the Portuguese Republican Party became the dominant party in the political system of the Portuguese First Republic (1910-1926). The opposition felt alternation via elections would be difficult to achieve so resorted to violent and unconstitutional practices to reach government. The Portuguese political parties modernised themselves in this period, but failed to turn into mass parties. In major cities they acted as a cadre party and in the rural area as a party of notables. The First Republic failed to take solid steps to democratise the political system were And Portugal remained tied to the liberal and elitist tradition of the nineteenth century, although in a republican version. ; El Partido Republicano Portugués se convirtió en el partido dominante del sistema político de la Primera República Portuguesa (1910-1926) debido a causas históricas, organizacionales, clientelistas, violentas y constitucionales. La oposición sentía que difícilmente conseguiría la alternancia política a través de elecciones, y por lo tanto, recurre a prácticas violentas e inconstitucionales para llegar al gobierno. Los partidos políticos portugueses se modernizaron en este período, pero no se convirtieron en partidos de masas. En las principales ciudades actuaban como partidos de cuadros y en las zonas rurales como partidos de notables. Durante la Primera República no se dieron pasos consistentes para democratizar el sistema político. Portugal se mantuvo ancorado a la tradición liberal y elitista del siglo XIX, aunque en una versión republicana.

The general aim of this work is to contribute to understand the political transformations of theindigenous communities of the Andean region of Bolivia since the state reforms implemented in the decade of1990 and in a perspective that focuses in how the indigenous community, in our case the ayllu Kirkyawi, havepolitically reshaped in the new legal, institutional and political frame. We show that it is the "community"constructed from its own political system the one that might constitute juridically as "nation" in thecontext of the new Estado Plurinacional. That means that it's necessary to go beyond the "recognition" ofthe ethnic and cultural diversity to the construction of a political and administrative system that opens thepossibility of the construction of a real indigenous autonomy; that's to say, to determine the indigenousnations' own political system, authorities system, the instances of participation and decision making andtheir own legislative practices; in a word, the possibility of self determination. This is the political projectthat arises from the community for the constitution of the nations of the Estado Plurinacional.

The research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic ; La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l'étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l'expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l'antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l'idée que l'opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D'une part, l'offre politique qu'elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d'autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l'idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l'impuissance et l'inefficacité de l'opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l'opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l'opposition subit une sorte ...