Suchergebnisse

The author analzes the types of support for political systems. His analysis shows that there are three basic types of political support (to the national identity and pride, to the legitimation and to confidence) which correspond to the three basic units of political system (political community, political government/regime, and authorities). Each form of support serves to maintain the political regime on the whole, but each is independent of the others - or the influence solely goes one way: from the lower to the higher forms of support (from confidence via legitimation and to political identity). While the higher forms of support are primarily abstract, normative and affective in their nature, the lower forms are mostly empirical, instrumental, and cognitive in their definition. In the future, citizens are going to increasingly appraise political systems on the whole according to the totality of their performances, i.e. according to their evaluation of how and how much a system meets their needs, demands, and expectations. This will broaden the meaning of legitimation; it will no longer refer to the validity of a system (its procedurality) but to its effica as well. This will make life more difficult and complex for those in the position of power. These types of confidence warrant empirical research in order to determine their level, etiology, and functionality. (SOI : PM: S. 120)

U radu želimo da ukažemo na značaj republikanske misli za Dirkemovo shvatanje vaspitanja i obrazovanja. U sekundarnoj literaturi najčešće se ističu praktični i politički razlozi njegovog interesovanja za pedagogiju. Katolička crkva u Trećoj republici je – u vezi sa njenom ulogom u obrazovanju – doživljavana kao smetnja za dugoročni opstanak Republike. Obrazovanje novih generacija postavljeno je na temelje pozitivnih nauka kako bi se građani vaspitavali u duhu vrednosti novouspostavljene Republike. Proklamovani sekularizam Treće republike se nije mogao pomiriti sa obrazovnim sistemom kojim upravlja crkva. Dirkemov naučni rad je očigledno nosio i određeni politički značaj u Trećoj republici. Zapravo, bio je svojevrsni laički katehizis u obrazovnom sistemu Francuske. Ipak, čini nam se da uloga moralnog vaspitanja u novoj, sekularnoj državi nije bila samo puko provizorno rešenje. Republikanska misao je oduvek isticala značaj obrazovanja, odnosno vaspitanja koje bi omogućilo političku i moralnu stabilnost društvenog poretka. U ovom slučaju mislimo na dela klasika filozofije – Platona, Aristotela, Makijavelija, Monteskjea i Rusoa. Ako je Dirkemova sociologija i pedagogija imala ulogu supstituta katoličke veronauke, onda se sa sigurnošću može tvrditi da je u takvoj ulozi deo i duge tradicije republikanskog vaspitanja. Pomoću heurističkog pristupa pratićemo idejni razvoj republikanske misli o vaspitanju i obrazovanju. Sve navedeno iznosimo kako bismo pokazali na koji način se republikanska tradicija podudara sa projektom izgradnje Treće republike. Dirkemov odnos prema ulozi pedagogije nije puki proizvod određenih biografskih (akademskih) ili političkih kontingentnosti. Ovakav pristup može biti interesantan zbog načina na koji pristupamo razumevanju klasika sociologije i pedagogije. Dela klasika moramo posmatrati i kao proizvod kontinuiteta, a ne samo kroz prizmu njihove originalnosti ili konteksta u kojem su stvarali. U tom slučaju možemo postaviti drugačije interpretacije i posmatrati njihova dela iz drugog ugla. ; In the paper we want to point at significance of the Republican thought for Durkheim's understanding of education and upbringing. The secondary literature usually highlights practical and political reasons for his interest in pedagogy. Catholic Church was in the Third Republic - regarding its role in education - seen as a hindrance to a long-term survival of the Republic. Education of new generations was based on positive sciences so the citizens could be educated in line with the values of newly established Republic. The proclaimed secularism of the Third Republic could not be reconciled with the educational system governed by the church. Durkheim's academic work clearly bore a certain political significance in the Third Republic. Actually, it was a form of profane catechism in the education system of France. However, it seems that the role of moral education in the new, secular state was not merely a tentative solution. Republican thought has always emphasized the significance of education, i.e. upbringing, which would enable political and moral stability of the social order. In this case we allude to the works of prominent philosophers - Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Rousseau. If Durkheim's sociology and pedagogy acted as a substitute for Catholic catechism, then it is safe to say that so did a long tradition of Republican upbringing. Using a heuristic approach, we will follow conceptual development of the Republican thought on upbringing and education. The purpose of the above stated is to demonstrate how the Republican tradition coincides with the project of building the Third Republic. Durkheim's attitude towards the role of pedagogy is not a mere product of particular biographical (academic) or political contingencies. This view can be interesting because of our approach to understanding of classical authors of sociology and pedagogy. We must also regard the works of classical authors as products of continuity, and not just through the prism of their originality or context within which they created. In that case, we can set different interpretations and view their works from a different angle. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

The relations between the civil and military sector in SFRY greatly affected its development and survival as well as its collapse. Within the political system of the former Yugoslavia, the military secured a certain degree of independence, which later evolved into a power per se, in any moment ready to impose its own interest (when and if jeopardized) as the general public interest. Due to such status of the military, the political system of SFRY was deformed and, to a certain extent continually endangered by such autonomous functioning of the military. This sense of imperilment was the more intensive the deeper the divisions among certain social groups and interests, the bitter the struggles and conflicts along economic, national and ideological divide, the less prominent the role of the communist party. Such situations encouraged and facilitated the process of the transformation of the military (particularly its top echelon) into a "neutral force" and - formally and factually -into the key political institution on federal level. + Among the several basic models of the relations between the civil and the military sector, the one in SFRY meant that the military was a factor in political decision-making and the factor in certain crises. This required a certain degree of political clout on the part of the military. This clout, required for its meddling into politics, was based on the military and political position of the country, the military communist party organization, the ownership i.e. financial resources, the existence of the external and "internal" enemies, the impotence of civil institutions in certain periods and the charisma of individual military officers. (SOI : PM: S. 82)

The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.

Comparative politics is a political science discipline which has in its evolution continuously reflected the developments in the field of international politics. The author outlines the genesis of this discipline, which boomed in the 1950s with the framework of American politology. He first defines this discipline and the goes on to give an account of the evolution of the fundamental research principle, the expansion of the subject matter and the importance of the key concepts that delineate this academic discipline (political power, political system, politic regime). The author analyses the role of comparative politics in the context of other disciplines of political sciences as well as its applicative potentials. As analysis of the history of this discipline he points to the connection between shift of the interest and the focus in practical politics and the thematically specialized subdisciplines within comparative politological research. In the conclusion, the author points out the importance and the applicatory value of discipline for Croatia (as a country in the process of democratic transition) regarding the comparative analysis of the experiences of developed democracies and countries in transition. (SOI : PM: S. 148)

By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.

Taking into consideration all the benefits and pitfalls of its political, economic, military, and cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth and improvement of the standard of living, conducive to political and social stability of Chinese society and state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily and partially, while the final result primarily depends on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system and the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, the People's Republic of China is faced with the central choice of the equitable participation in global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms and principles (beginning with the United Nations) and international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection and so on. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence and the possibility of choice and political independence of the Chinese state. (SOI : PM: S. 44)

The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.

The European entrepreneurial undertaking, in the form of an equipped and armed merchant ship, ready to circumnavigate and conquer the Globe, created the modern world as a world with one side only: the mondialised West. To be globalised today, such a world has to be made as a new net, but now as a new multitask and multidirectional entrepreneurial feedback. Contemporary global liberal interventionism and governmental entrepreneurship are segmented today into a dangerously simplified multitask global pyramid of governance through onedirectional cascades. For a real globalisation, this process has to be twodirectional at least: from the center to the periphery - but from the periphery to the center, too. Otherwise, at the beginning of a new "centennial trend" and a "great cycle" there is the risk that the collapse of the liberal civilization of the 19th century could be repeated. Once again because of the weakness of the world system peripheries. The question how to strengthen the "anonymous" global economic, cultural and political processes of that twodirectional kind, is becoming the central global and strategic issue for today's politics and political science. It has turned out that this kind of state and its processes real global environment could be successfuly analyzed and effectively made use, of only with the complete unreduced methodical front of all the fields of political science together and even more than that. So as they could be practically surmounted only with a very complex political and economic action through the whole set of expertly managed public policies. From the historically based Croatian point of view, a possibility of integration into the world center was always in founding a world-market "niche", and never in making even a mini-empire or in controlling a mondialized or a mega- national net. Without a methodically global political science approach, also leaning on Central European and Mediterranean cultural and politological traditions, such Croatian interest will not be accomplished. (SOI : PM: S. 179)