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[Δε διατίθεται περίληψη / no abstract available] ; [Δε διατίθεται περίληψη / no abstract available]

In Turkey, after 2002 general elections the "Justice and Development Party" has come to the government by itself. Demilitarization of the political system of Turkey was gradually compleded and a new, civilian, participatory constitution is required. Discussions on a required new constutition has been accompanied by the strengthening the executive branch. In crisis situations, instead of strengthening the democratic partipatory institutions, it is always preferable to reorganize the political institutions in favor of the executive branch. In this context presitential system or semi-presidential system have been seen as a new model of govenment and guaranty of the stability of govenment instead of the existing semi-parliamentary / or / semi-semi-presidential political system. The media as an ideological aparatus of the state has been acted its role on the discussion programmes. The academicians, intellectuals and journalists as organic intellectuals have been discussing on "which political system is good for our democracy?" In this paper, it is aimed to analize the TV discussion programmes on a new political system. Metedologically three TV news channels and their discussion programmes will be chosen throughout four weeks. It is intended to analize the program contents on democratic discurses. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n10p204

Death solves all problems. He is not a man, he is no longer a problem (Joseph Stalin). Only a quote from this one Soviet leader can show us how repressive, unjust and tyrannical the system called the Soviet Union was. It was a regime that, according to unofficial statistics (unfortunately, there are no accurate statistics, due to concealment and destruction of facts), killed three and a half million people, of which nearly one and a half million people were shot and two million people died in exile.

The 2020 presidential and 2021 parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova saw a clear victory of the populist Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) of the newly elected president Maia Sandu over the pro-Russian coalition led by former presidents Igor Dodon and Vladimir Voronin. These results testify the citizens' will to change a country with an ever-widening gap between politicians and populace. Since 2015, the political debate is centred on corruption, but the cases described draw the picture of a political landscape where practices go beyond the traditional understanding of the term. In fact, their analysis demonstrates the existence of a system of Soviet political culture which relies on informal practices of the elite, arguing that some of these practices have clear Soviet roots while others are an adaptation of the Soviet mentality to the new liberal democratic setting. The paper also highlights differences between the populist parties born either as a reaction to the system or as an adaptation of the elite response to perceived expectations of the electorate. This research took place between 2020 and 2021 utilising participant observation and semi-structured interviews with Moldovan political experts. The paper concludes that future research on Moldovan politics should incorporate analysis of this informal dimension to state politics which is core to public debate on corruption and the integrity of state institutions in Moldova.

Judiciary is the important organ of each Government in modern age. Every constitution gives the vast powers to review the process of law was making and executive orders. It is hoped that the Judiciary will act as free and fair in the light of constitutional provisions. As far as Indian context the Judiciary, these days, has been playing a vast role in day-to-day works of Govt. There are two kinds of exercise this powers as Judicial self-restraint and Judicial activism. Judicial self – restraint is the classical or traditional virtue of judicial behavior. The courts will be very careful in defining their jurisdiction and shy in expanding it and will observe restraint in interfering with legislative or executive action. However judicial self-restraint is not a rule, it is a case of auto limitation. But judicial activism can be both- negative and positive. In times of political instability the court tend to be more activist reaching more abstrusely into the daily life of citizens or restricting or directing the legislature and the executive in what they could do. So, this paper will reveal the too activism of the judiciary in Indian context. Article visualizations:

Witnessing the actual Trump presidency, one searches for conceptual tools to document US decline. The World Justice Project (WJP) comes to mind, attempting to measure rule of law (RL) comparatively. The WJP presents interesting findings for 2017-2020. Canada ranks higher than USA. Venezuela is bottom 128 country. Rationale of rule of law?Keywords. Limited government; Countervailing competences; Natural regularity; Moral law of nature; Locke.JEL. D72; P16; P26; P48.

"Reprinted from the American political science review. Volume 17, no. 4, November, 1923." ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Islamic education is often known as Islamic education. Islamic education is recognized for its existence in Indonesia, seen from Islamic education institutions that are established and developing today. On the other hand, Islamic education is recognized for its existence as seen from various government policies on religious subjects taught in schools. Socio Political System was the time of the replacement of President Soekarno's administration to President Soeharto's administration in 1966 until 1998. The Islamic education policy in the early days of Socio Political System was the integration of madrassas in the Old Order. In addition, the establishment of Islamic educational institutions both formal and non-formal. In schools, religious subjects become compulsory subjects that must be taught in both religious schools, public schools, private and public schools. The focus of this research was on the development of Islamic education and the Islamic education policy of Socio Political System. This study uses a qualitative approach with analytical study methods. The analytical study used is analytical historical and analytical policy. Islamic education during Socio Political System stage by step experienced a development among which pesantren institutions began to establish madrassas in their education systems. In this system the levels of education are divided into Ibtidaiyah, Tsanawiyah and Aliyah. The government applies a policy that religious education must be taught starting from elementary school (SD) to university. Islamic education is growing with the emergence of several institutions and programs of Islamic religious teaching activities.

W HILE Hyderabad State developed from the Mughal subah, or province, of the Deccan, it did not represent a mere continuation of the Mughal provincial administration. By the end of the eighteenth century, Hyderabad represented a new political system, with a whole new set of participants. This article investigates the development of this political system and the constitution of its ruling class.

An article by Eugene K B Tan, Assistant Professor of Law analysing the Prime Minister's National Day Rally speech. He suggests the PM could have used the speech to highlight how the political system can evolve to generate greater public ownership of the system of governance.

Politics in Islam is not a taboo/wrong thing, but has become one of the ways of Islamic da'wah since the time of the development of Islam. This study wants to narrate the role of ulama and umara in the Islamic political system. The methodology in this study uses a Study Library by collecting various references both offline and online. The purpose of this research is to explore the historical roots of the topics presented and make them as reflections and references for human thinkers. The important role 'Ulama (experts of science) play a major role when conveying the aspirations of the Islamic ummah and Umaro (Leader) as the holder of a policy, something that cannot be separated between the two, from the smallest thing to the biggest thing. it is also classified as "Mutualism Symbiosis" where when the 'Ulama makes a mistake in taking a policy, it's the 'Ulama who must put up a body in giving advice.

The past eight years have seen a great increase in Internet usage in American culture and politics. It would seem that, in our digital age, the Internet has exercised strong effects on political behavior and even on legislators. This thesis explores the variety and intensity of these effects, finding them to be substantial and growing, although not yet robust.The main influences the net has exerted on American politics take place predominantly within two areas: political campaigns and online political interest groups. Activists are certainly using the Internet for political causes, but this sort of Internet usage is really just an extension of previous activism. The Internet does not create new habits; it simply offers a more convenient method of reading the news, communicating to others, or performing other activities we have already been inclined to perform. Even those Internet users who access political web sites are shown preeminently to be those who have otherwise accessed political information in other ways such as newspapers or televised news.So far the Internet has made campaign donations easier for people who are comfortable surfing the World Wide Web. But there is little evidence to show that these people would not have otherwise donated to the campaign by more traditional methods. The Internet has made political activism easier, but people who are not politically active will not suddenly change simply because the Internet offers itself as an expedient, inexpensive tool. We have seen, however, with groups like MoveOn.org, that activists are rallying, communicating, and demonstrating more efficiently than ever before. The political parties or groups that can most effectively use the Internet to mobilize voters and affect public opinion will greatly benefit themselves. ; 2004-08-01 ; M.A. ; College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Political Science ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

[EN] Bolivia has experienced remarkable political transformation since the turn of the 21st century. After centuries of political exclusion, indigenous peoples5 helped bring the first nationally successful indigenous political party to power, winning majorities in the legislature and the executive. The MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo, or Movement towards Socialism) and President Evo Morales, who took office in 2005, represented a historic shift in the political power and engagement of indigenous people in Bolivia. Unlike many ethnically based political parties, however, the MAS has adopted an inclusive approach to indigenous identity (Anria, 2013, 2018; Madrid, 2008, 2012). In this paper we investigate how indigenous people view the political system before and after this historic change in representation. In particular, we focus on indigenous peoples' support for the political system, comparing attitudes of indigenous and non-indigenous people before and after the election of Evo Morales and the MAS.

Once again in 2011 the immigration issue occupied a central position in the Italian political system. Even in a year in which economic questions captured much of the attention of the principal actors (the institutions, political parties, media and public opinion), this issue managed to remain a constant presence on the public agenda. It should not of course be excluded that the economic crisis and the concerns linked to it, though not completely overshadowing immigration, may have contributed to changing in part its significance, reshaping the definition of the problem in the eyes of the actors. The present chapter of the Report, divided into two parts, intends to explore the dynamics that immigration has triggered inside the political system, in other words to investigate how it was perceived and handled over the course of 2011. First, we will examine some data and interpretations of the orientations of public opinion. Secondly, we will analyse the policy offerings that political parties formulated in response to the questions posed by public opinion. To this end, we will examine the principal elec-toral programmes presented in May for the local elections of four major cities. Third, we will analyse the black box, that is the decision-making process of the political system, not so much to highlight its working mechanisms, but rather to investigate what (and especially how much) was produced over the period of time under consid-eration. We will look at the legislative production of the central government and several Italian Regions in order to assess the importance of the migration question in relation to the policies produced. In the second part, the goal is to show the political system in a dynamic dimen-sion, by reconstructing the decision-making processes, the positions of the actors over time, their preferences, and the interests in play regarding three significant facts of 2011: 1) the arrival of thousands of people from North Africa on the coasts of the island of Lampedusa, and the war in Libya. The attention of public opinion, the media and policy makers was focused for many weeks on these events, due to several aspects of an exceptional character. The war in Libya, while technically a matter of foreign policy, had implications in terms of the migration flows from the war.

1979 İslam Devrimi'nden sonra kurulan İran siyasi sisteminin tanımı siyaset bilimciler arasında söz konusu devrimden bugüne tartışma konusu olagelmiştir. İran kendisini bir İslam Cumhuriyeti olarak tanımlasa da araştırmacılar İran siyasi sistemini tanımlamak için demokratik teokrasi, oligarşik teokrasi ve dini tiranlık gibi çeşitli terimler kullanmışlar veya üretmişlerdir. İran'da parlamento ve anayasa gibi demokratik kurumlar bulunmaktadır ancak bu siyasi kurumların kurgulanışı bir liberal demokrasi oluşturacak şekilde değildir. Bu makale İran siyasi sistemini karşılaştırmalı siyaset biliminin terimlerini kullanarak analiz etmekte ve tanımlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışma, 1979 Devrimi'nden sonra kurulmuş olan başlıca İran siyasi kurumlarını incelemekte ve netice olarak, ülkede mollalar nihai siyasi gücü ellerinde bulundurdukları için, İran'ın nevi şahsına münhasır siyasi sisteminin en iyi şekilde "mollakrasi (mollalar yönetimi)" terimiyle tanımlanabileceği sonucuna ulaşmaktadır. ; he definition of the Iranian political system which was structured after the 1979 Iranian Revolution has long been a matter of controversy among the political scientists. Although Iran is a selfdeclared Islamic Republic, scholars used or coined various terms such as democratic theocracy, oligarchic theocracy, and religious tyranny to define it. Iran has democratic institutions such as parliament and constitution, but the configuration of them does not make up a liberal democracy. This article analyzes Iranian political system by using the terms of comparative political science and seeks to define it. It examines major Iranian political institutions established after the 1979 Revolution and eventually concludes that the sui generis Iranian political system can be best defined with the term "mullocracy (government of the mullahs)" as the mullas hold the ultimate political power in the country