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[Abstract] In 2014, Basuki Cahaya Purnama (popularly known as Ahok) was inaugurated as the first governor with Tionghoa ethnicity in the post-Soeharto era. His case not only marks the milestone of Tionghoa's political participation in Indonesia, but also inspires more Tionghoa to engage in the local politics, with the aim of maintaining their social status and rights. Nevertheless, while Tionghoa enthusiastically participate in the local politics by means of establishing political parties, being upheld by mainstream parties for representative elections, or running for local elections, there are still some people in the public who do not recognize Tionghoa's identity and their political participation. Therefore, with companion of recent advocacy to strive for self-identity, the Indonesian-Tionghoa can leap at the chance, through the approach of political participation in the democratic electoral system, to gain the preliminary identity from local society, and gradually achieve identity in other aspects. By analyzing the facts of Indonesian-Tionghoa's political participation after the fall of Soeharto, this research firstly shows that running for elections of local chief executives has steadily become the trend for Tionghoa's political participation. Moreover, with netnography as the method of data collecting for further analysis, the ideology of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) has been rooted in the public's mind since several significant cases, discriminating Basuki's Tionghoa identity, are denounced by most people in their comments. Accordingly, more people in Indonesia can also accept Tionghoa, as national citizens, to engage in local politics. Therefore, it is shown in these case analyses that Tionghoa's political participation is not only the way to sustain their development, but also the entry point to obtain identity from the local public. Although Tionghoa still need to be more active in political participation with facing internal and external hampers, they may be benefited from interaction ...

Introducing AFRICOM Expansion in Africa / Tshepo Gwatiwa and Justin van der Merwe -- Expanding US Africa Command: Reintegrating Africa within the US's System of Accumulation / Justin van der Merwe -- Multilateral Diplomacy in the Formation of US Africa Command: Reflections on US Africa Policy and Engagement from Bush through Obama, 2000-2016 / Michael A. Battle -- The Genesis and Origins of AFRICOM / William M. Wyatt -- AFRICOM'S Military Base in Djibouti: a History of Its Advancement / Degan Sun and Yahia H. Zoubir -- Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance in the Expansion of AFRICOM: Africa in America's -- "Panopticon" / Tshepo Gwatiwa -- Security, Circulation and Biopolitics: US Africa Command's Response to Ebola / Catriona Gold -- The Economic and Business Side of US AFRICOM in Africa: Governments, Land Lease, Aid, Corporations and Military Expansion in Djibouti / Ditabeng Mokoena and Tshepo Gwatiwa -- The US Africa Command and [Under]Development in Africa: an Appraisal of the USA's Securitization of Development in Africa / Khayalandile Lwando Mthamo -- Agenda-Setting or Reinforcement? The African Media's Reporting and its Impact on AFRICOM's Soft Power / Oluwaseun Tella -- Conclusion -- Imprinting Infrastructural and Affective Labour in Africa / Justin van der Merwe.

This article analyses the causal factors underlying the formation of French preferences during the Eurozone crisis solving process (2008–2017). Going beyond the clear distinction between national preference formation and interstate bargaining of liberal intergovernmentalism, this article combines new intergovernmentalism, political economy and feedback loops to study the horizontal linkages between different actors included in the process of domestic preference formation. Based on the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) Choices dataset, which includes semi-structured interviews conducted with French policy-makers involved in the European Union negotiations at the highest level, we will concentrate on French preference formation in four negotiations at the European Union level: the 3 May 2010 agreement on bilateral loans to Greece, the initial capitalisation amount of the European Stability Mechanism, the negotiations on the legal nature of the 'debt-brake' included in the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance and the reverse qualified majority voting procedure. The article shows that confidential and restricted administrative networks played a central role in reducing the uncertainty stemming from the fragile financial positions of the hypertrophied domestic banking system. At the same time, French negotiators find themselves between a rock and a hard place during negotiations at the European Union level, not crossing the red line fixed by Germany, on the one hand, and ensuring that policy solutions are compatible with governmental political stance and domestic economic interests, on the other hand. Contrary to recent research pointing out to the increasing influence of domestic public opinion on national preference formation, however, feedback loops between the outcome of the crisis solving process and French politics and policies had very little impact.

This study aims to investigate the determinants of the state's voluntary adoption of international financial reporting standards (IFRS). The sample consisted of 120 countries that have adopted IFRS voluntarily based on the data released by IAS plus in 2019. The rate of IFRS adoption is measured using an interval scale based Deloyd's criteria. The independent variables included economic growth, level of openness, education level, legal system, political factor and cultural factor with the corruption control as the moderating variable. The multinominal logistic regression test shows that all independent variables can determine the level of the state's voluntary adoption of IFRS and the level of corruption control can moderate the relationship. The results of this study provide additional contributions to the literature evidence related to studies of IFRS voluntary adoption. In addition, this study is also able to accommodate a variety of complex factors with various economic, social, cultural and legal perspectives at the level of Jurisdictions.

Science and Public Policy Vol.42 Nr.4, 549-566 ; The integration of national research systems is one of the central objectives of European research policies. Yet the epistemic objectives of this project have been poorly defined, and scant attention has been paid to whether political, social and financial integration of the European Research Area (ERA) is accompanied by epistemic integration. We discuss the conceptual framework and methodological practices to monitor research integration, and conclude that most of them, such as research collaboration, are only partial indicators of it. To augment existing approaches with an analysis of epistemic integration, we analyse the geographical sources of knowledge of Finnish research in the period 1995-2010. We show a broad shift towards a European knowledge base, demonstrating epistemic integration into the ERA, and that Finnish researchers are, paradoxically, sourcing knowledge from an increasingly distributed system of European knowledge hubs. As policy implications, we recommend clarifying the ERA's epistemic objectives and redefining its strategy of 'reducing fragmentation'.

The Politics of Crime, Punishment and Justice explores the impact of right-wing political ideology on crime, the criminal justice system, and attitudes towards punishment in Britain. It is essential reading for criminologists, political philosophers, and social theorists alike.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Praise for China's Uneven and Combined Development -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction: China Shakes the World System -- 1.1 Overview -- 1.2 Theorising China's Rise -- References -- 2 Uneven and Combined Development and the Capitalist States System -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Revival of Uneven and Combined Development -- 2.3 The Limits of UCD? -- 2.4 Karl Marx and Uneven Geographical Development -- 2.5 Uneven Geographical Development and States -- 2.6 The Limits to Uneven Development Theory -- 2.7 A State Theoretical Extension -- 2.8 Uneven and Combined Development: Towards a Research Programme -- References -- 3 From Varieties of Capitalism to Uneven and Combined Development: A New Perspective -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Varieties of Capitalism and China -- 3.3 Variegated Capitalism and Its Critique -- 3.4 States, Cities and Capital -- 3.5 Conclusion -- References -- 4 China's Boom (I): The Geopolitical Economy of Reform and Opening, 1978-2000 -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The Geopolitical Economy of Cross-Border Production -- 4.3 China's 'Historical Backwardness' and the 'Whip of External Necessity' -- 4.4 Politics of Reform and Opening -- 4.4.1 Reform and Opening in the 1980s -- 4.4.2 Reform and Opening in the 1990s -- 4.5 The WTO and the Revival of Statist Politics -- 4.6 Conclusion -- References -- 5 China's Boom (II): Making the 'Leap', 2001-2008 -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 The SOA Concept and Its Relationship with China's UCD -- 5.3 China's Leap, 2001-2008: (1) The Export Sector -- 5.3.1 Garments and Footwear -- 5.3.2 Electronics and ICT -- 5.3.3 Machinery and Transport Equipment -- 5.3.4 The Private Sector and Cadre-Capitalism -- 5.4 China's Leap 2001-2008 (2): The State Sector -- 5.5 The Intertwinement of State and Private Sector -- 5.6 Conclusion -- References.

We report on the two systems we built for Task 1 of the German Sentiment Analysis Shared Task, the task on Source, Subjective Expression and Target Extraction from Political Speeches (STEPS). The first system is a rule-based system relying on a predicate lexicon specifying extraction rules for verbs, nouns and adjectives, while the second is a translation-based system that has been obtained with the help of the (English) MPQA corpus.

In this brief response, the author defends liberal theories of citizenship education – especially those based on John Rawls' political liberalism – against Merry's critique, and also attempts to shed light on what she thinks is their enduring significance in view of today's political climate. (DIPF/Orig.)

Liberation theology has played an important role for overcoming structural violence. Originating in Latin America, the movement continues to expand throughout the developed and developing world. Marxism and liberation theology share similar philosophies – showing preferential option to the poor. While many Marxists may believe that a solution to structural violence is alienating violence through justified revolution, the chance of success is limited. Liberation is a process, not an event. This essay identifies an alternative to liberation: applying the teachings of John Rawls and applying the Suffering Servant model of Jesus Christ. When we apply the Veil of Ignorance and the Difference Principle to liberation theology, we can realistically implement a system of equity in juxtaposition to the goals of a Marxist.

The paper analyzes the policy goals, the policy leverage, the allocations to rural development and the new economics and added rationales about what can economics do for rural development, based on the USA experience. Paper ends with recommendations, including five principles for rural development programs: USDA-RD should take the lead for more interagency cooperation, rural development funds should move through the commercial banking system, not around it, farm payments should be shifted to rural development to support an orderly transition to a market-oriented farm sector, matching funding should be emphasized to leverage communities willing to invest in themselves, rural adjustment should be actively facilitated by mobilizing entire communities rather than by passive and piecemeal rural out-migration.

Governance connotes the way an organization, an economy, or a social system co-ordinates and steers itself. Some insist that governing is strictly a top-down process guided by authority and coercion, while others emphasize that it emerges bottom-up through the workings of the free market. This book rejects these simplistic views in favour of a more distributed view of governance based on a mix of coercion, quid pro quo market exchange and reciprocity, on a division of labour among the private, public, and civic sectors, and on the co-evolution of these different integration mechanisms. This book is for both practitioners confronted with governance issues and for citizens trying to make sense of the world around them.