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The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual "tool" that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual "tool" that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual "tool" that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual "tool" that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual "tool" that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual "tool" that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

This paper examines the origins of ancient political thinking from (roughly) 750 to 348 B.C. The analysis of authors who had been discussing political questions over this period shows that ancient political thinking can be classified into three discourses: political thought, political theory, and political philosophy. The purpose of this paper is to define the characteristics of each discourse and to illustrate them with specific historical examples which show how these discourses interacted with the Greek political experiences and how political thought transformed into a theory and philosophy.

This paper examines the origins of ancient political thinking from (roughly) 750 to 348 B.C. The analysis of authors who had been discussing political questions over this period shows that ancient political thinking can be classified into three discourses: political thought, political theory, and political philosophy. The purpose of this paper is to define the characteristics of each discourse and to illustrate them with specific historical examples which show how these discourses interacted with the Greek political experiences and how political thought transformed into a theory and philosophy.

This paper examines the origins of ancient political thinking from (roughly) 750 to 348 B.C. The analysis of authors who had been discussing political questions over this period shows that ancient political thinking can be classified into three discourses: political thought, political theory, and political philosophy. The purpose of this paper is to define the characteristics of each discourse and to illustrate them with specific historical examples which show how these discourses interacted with the Greek political experiences and how political thought transformed into a theory and philosophy.

This paper examines the origins of ancient political thinking from (roughly) 750 to 348 B.C. The analysis of authors who had been discussing political questions over this period shows that ancient political thinking can be classified into three discourses: political thought, political theory, and political philosophy. The purpose of this paper is to define the characteristics of each discourse and to illustrate them with specific historical examples which show how these discourses interacted with the Greek political experiences and how political thought transformed into a theory and philosophy.

The paper analyzes Thomas Mann's literary work from the perspective of critical theory. By briefly discussing an alternative conception of critical theory, it emphasizes the importance of Karl Marx, Aristotle, and normativity to social and political theory. The paper argues that we need to conceptualize normativity in Aristotelian rather than Kantian terms, that is, by reinterpreting the tradition of the Greek notion of aretē (excellence). Hence the importance of Aristotle's ethical reflections on the flourishing of human life and of the political community. Marx is important because he provided a historically informed analysis and critique of the socioeconomic structures of modern society. Marx also gave birth to a new paradigm for social sciences and humanities, a paradigm alternative to positivism and phenomenology. Its main premise is that social and political theory must articulate the normative notion of social emancipation and criticize society and its social structures by drawing on this notion of emancipation. Thomas Mann is interesting and important from the point of view of critical theory; among other things, he provides a literary critique of the European bourgeois society and its way of life. As an illustration, Thomas Mann's dialectic of eroticism and death in the life of the bourgeois iron cage is also analyzed (the dialectic that we find in Buddenbrooks, Death in Venice, and The Magic Mountain).

The paper analyzes Thomas Mann's literary work from the perspective of critical theory. By briefly discussing an alternative conception of critical theory, it emphasizes the importance of Karl Marx, Aristotle, and normativity to social and political theory. The paper argues that we need to conceptualize normativity in Aristotelian rather than Kantian terms, that is, by reinterpreting the tradition of the Greek notion of aretē (excellence). Hence the importance of Aristotle's ethical reflections on the flourishing of human life and of the political community. Marx is important because he provided a historically informed analysis and critique of the socioeconomic structures of modern society. Marx also gave birth to a new paradigm for social sciences and humanities, a paradigm alternative to positivism and phenomenology. Its main premise is that social and political theory must articulate the normative notion of social emancipation and criticize society and its social structures by drawing on this notion of emancipation. Thomas Mann is interesting and important from the point of view of critical theory; among other things, he provides a literary critique of the European bourgeois society and its way of life. As an illustration, Thomas Mann's dialectic of eroticism and death in the life of the bourgeois iron cage is also analyzed (the dialectic that we find in Buddenbrooks, Death in Venice, and The Magic Mountain).

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.