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Abstract: Foreign policy analysis (FPA), recognized as a sub-discipline of international relations, focused on explaining foreign policy or, alternatively, on the processes and behaviors in the framework of this policy. FPA is characterized by an actor-specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision-makers acting singly or in groups. Explication of the process and the behavior of decision-makers may need to reach categories and tools developed within other disciplines. The main aim of the paper is to identify the emphasis of interdisciplinary research especially in the perspective adopted by the author of the individual level of analysis of foreign policy. The use of tools and categories relevant to the study of political leadership and political psychology, may allow, more than ever, verifiability of assertions in the study of foreign policy. ; Analiza polityki zagranicznej ujmowana jako subdyscyplina stosunków międzynarodowych albo alternatywnie wyodrębniony obszar badawczy koncentruje się na wyjaśnianiu polityki zagranicznej, nawiązując do teoretycznych założeń i twierdzeń na temat ludzkich zachowań jednostek. Eksplikacja zachowań i decyzji decydentów podejmowanych w ramach polityki zagranicznej może wymagać sięgnięcia do kategorii i narzędzi wypracowanych w ramach innych dyscyplin. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie interdyscyplinarności badań, zwłaszcza przy przyjętej przez autorkę perspektywie jednostkowego poziomu analizy polityki zagranicznej. Zastosowanie narzędzi i kategorii właściwych studiom nad przywództwem politycznym, a także psychologii politycznej może umożliwić większą niż dotychczas weryfikowalność twierdzeń w badaniach nad polityką zagraniczną.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; 3 ; 1 ; 103 ; 124 ; 6 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means. ; In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

W niniejszym artykule zajmuję się analizą argumentacji zawartej we wniosku grupy posłów do Trybunału Konstytucyjnego o stwierdzenie niezgodności z Konstytucją przepisów dopuszczających aborcję w przypadku ciężkiego i nieodwracalnego upośledzenia płodu. Przedmiotem rozważań nie są jednak dywagacje natury prawnej, ale kwestia legitymacji moralnej działania podjętego przez posłów. Szukam więc odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy ich inicjatywa broni się w świetle zasad moralności publicznej. Podstawę tej oceny stanowi najważniejsza współczesna koncepcja legitymacji działań politycznych, tj. teoria rozumu publicznego Johna Rawlsa. W pierwszej kolejności przybliżono więc, na czym polega teoria rozumu publicznego Rawlsa (skupiając się przede wszystkim na wskazaniu warunków, które na gruncie tej koncepcji decydują o legitymacji działań politycznych). Następnie omówiono pokrótce najważniejsze argumenty, jakie wysuwa grupa posłów na rzecz wysuwanego żądania. W głównej części tekstu dokonano oceny tego działania w świetle wyłożonych wcześniej warunków legitymacji. ; In the paper, I analyse the argumentation which supports the motion put forward by a group of Polish MPs challenging the constitutionality of the provision which allows abortion in the event of grave and irreversible fetal defects or an incurable illness that threatens the foetus life. My considerations do not concern the legality of this action. Instead, I am interested in the issue of moral legitimacy of the MPs' action. I search for the answer whether their initiative is defensible in terms of public morality. The evaluation is conducted according to the principles of the most important contemporary conception of political legitimacy, which is John Rawls's theory of public reason. Therefore, firstly, I give an account of the Rawlsian theory of public reason. I focus mainlyon the conditions that settle the criteria of the legitimacy of political actions. Then I summarise the arguments which support the demand of the MPs concerned. Finally, in the main part of the paper, I evaluate their action in the light of the theory of public reason.

There are also theoretical issues such as: adequacy of this discipline of knowledge to the analysis of the realities of public action in Poland. This issue arises due to the fact that public policy emerged as a discipline of knowledge in the Anglo-Saxon tradition, on the basis of its specificity. Moreover, the theories evident in public policy science have been developed in the West, mainly in America. The local realities were the basis. Therefore, the question arises whether we should build our theories or adapt those that have been developed elsewhere. Meanwhile, we do not have many or even most elements of the Anglo-Saxon tradition, even in terms of the size of our analytical achievements. We are not even inclined to conduct such an advanced analysis of social and economic phenomena. Hence, it seems important to me to ask about the theoretical potential of this discipline in relation to the analysis of public activities in Poland.

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

This article is devoted to the theory of sustainable development in version presented in the report of the Brundtland Commission announced thirty years ago. The material object of this article is the specific group of assumptions of this theory. These are external assumptions, i.e. discourse requirements forced by the circumstances determining the conditions of leading it. The main focus was concentrated on assumptions involving affiliation of the Brundtland Commission to the United Nations (systemic), the realisation of goals set by the General Assembly (task) and changes happening in the conditions of the United Nations functioning under the influence of international situation in the world of this time (compatible). The formal object of this article is the answer for the question concerning the relevance of this theory in contemporary political conditions determined by the end of the Cold War, globalisation and the growth of economic position of international concerns. In this article the process of deduction was used to bring to daylight the latent assumptions and the analysis of documents to expose the overt assumptions. J. Rawls' remarks concerning the topic of difference between theoretical status of state representative and representative of people were also used. The final conclusion confirms the relevance of the analysed version of the sustainable development theory. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety. ; Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety.

The governance theory has experienced an important evolution throughout history of political models known until present day. Specialists and scholars agree unanimously on the representative system being the preferred instrument of modern democracy to organize the state authority and competences. Politicians and rulers are elected according to a subjective approach, with the obligation to establish and realize public issues. This is a process in which the will of voters is used to prove the legitimacy of the power; however, it is deprived of an impact on direct politicians' decisions. In another dimension, the Islamic governance theory offers a different postulate which is constructed on a clear division between the public and private interests. "Shura", that is a consultative system of governance, is determined by divine provisions as a unique governance model, in which the impact of individuals has a direct impact on appointing rulers and on decision making, as well. This system provides a preventative control and monitoring which allow consultants' or advisors' interference in the decision making process and also during the executive phase to avoid disturbance or violation of the goals established in public issues, according to provisions and rules of Shari'ah. ; The governance theory has experienced an important evolution throughout history of political models known until present day. Specialists and scholars agree unanimously on the representative system being the preferred instrument of modern democracy to organize the state authority and competences. Politicians and rulers are elected according to a subjective approach, with the obligation to establish and realize public issues. This is a process in which the will of voters is used to prove the legitimacy of the power; however, it is deprived of an impact on direct politicians' decisions. In another dimension, the Islamic governance theory offers a different postulate which is constructed on a clear division between the public and private interests. "Shura", that is a consultative system of governance, is determined by divine provisions as a unique governance model, in which the impact of individuals has a direct impact on appointing rulers and on decision making, as well. This system provides a preventative control and monitoring which allow consultants' or advisors' interference in the decision making process and also during the executive phase to avoid disturbance or violation of the goals established in public issues, according to provisions and rules of Shari'ah.

Without institutional changes in the countries restructuring their political-economic and social system, it would be impossible to achieve a goal, which establishes an efficient and competitive economy. This policy requires not only the forming of financial markets and institutions, but also a deep reform of economic life. Therefore, the subject of this article are the clearly obvious transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989, such as Ukraine after 2004. In the first part of this article, the author indicates the determinants of the transformation process in the Central and Eastern European countries, characterizing, e.g., such factors as the geopolitical location of a country, the achieved level of economic development before 1989, or the depth of the reforms and their social acceptance. However, it is the second part of the article which is its essence, as it presents how some of the elements of the transformation theory have affected different aspects of social, political and economic life of the country and at the same time allows exposure of a series of myths concerning transformation. ; Without institutional changes in the countries restructuring their political-economic and social system, it would be impossible to achieve a goal, which establishes an efficient and competitive economy. This policy requires not only the forming of financial markets and institutions, but also a deep reform of economic life. Therefore, the subject of this article are the clearly obvious transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989, such as Ukraine after 2004. In the first part of this article, the author indicates the determinants of the transformation process in the Central and Eastern European countries, characterizing, e.g., such factors as the geopolitical location of a country, the achieved level of economic development before 1989, or the depth of the reforms and their social acceptance. However, it is the second part of the article which is its essence, as it presents how some of the elements of the transformation theory have affected different aspects of social, political and economic life of the country and at the same time allows exposure of a series of myths concerning transformation.

The goal of the article is to present a theoretical and practical evaluation of experience of apolitical civil servants working in committee-style preparatory bodies of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission. In the first part the hypotheses resulting from three theories of integration of different range (liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory, and deliberative supranationalism) are presented. The second part consists of the verification of those hypotheses, based on an empirical study conducted by the Author in 2013 in the period between January and June. The survey included Polish officials attending the meetings of committees and was followed by interviews.The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the majority of decisions of the Council and the Commission are actually made in apolitical preparatory bodies. Both "bargaining" and "problem solving" attitudes, representing both political and apolitical models of EU decision making, are present at this level. Theoretically, the most appropriate attitude is the combination of the liberal intergovernmentalism, the fusion theory, and the deliberative supranationalism. Those approaches can serve as general theories of integration and can be used to explain other elements of EU functioning.

The goal of the article is to present a theoretical and practical evaluation of experience of apolitical civil servants working in committee-style preparatory bodies of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission. In the first part the hypotheses resulting from three theories of integration of different range (liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory, and deliberative supranationalism) are presented. The second part consists of the verification of those hypotheses, based on an empirical study conducted by the Author in 2013 in the period between January and June. The survey included Polish officials attending the meetings of committees and was followed by interviews.The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the majority of decisions of the Council and the Commission are actually made in apolitical preparatory bodies. Both "bargaining" and "problem solving" attitudes, representing both political and apolitical models of EU decision making, are present at this level. Theoretically, the most appropriate attitude is the combination of the liberal intergovernmentalism, the fusion theory, and the deliberative supranationalism. Those approaches can serve as general theories of integration and can be used to explain other elements of EU functioning.

This study explores the creation of identities and values and the social production of citizens in a Type II Schola Europaea institution. My analysis focuses on pupils' patterns of identification and their system of values as are represented in their language use. In this analysis special attention is paid to students' expressions of their relationship to the EU (European identity creation) and the values connected to the creation of social and political identities of the pupils. The linguistic investigation is performed by corpus-driven systemic-functional analysis of Transitivity processes and Appraisal. Based on Halliday's system of transitivity 2 and Martin & White's appraisal theory 3 the corpus-driven systemic-functional analytic approach is proven to be a highly effective instrument in exposing patterns of identification, values and self-positioning 4.Existing only for a few years, Type II Schola Europaea institutions are the latest development in the "Europeanization" of public education and they represent a new object of study. To date, no research has been conducted in this area from the perspective of applied linguistics, nor has any study focused on the "outcomes" produced by Schola Europaea institutions, such as the ways pupils in these schools express their social and political identities in their communication. Thus, the relevance of this research is that it provides new empirical information about the politics of identity construction, the dissemination of values and the potential of these unique institutions to create "European citizens".

This study explores the creation of identities and values and the social production of citizens in a Type II Schola Europaea institution. My analysis focuses on pupils' patterns of identification and their system of values as are represented in their language use. In this analysis special attention is paid to students' expressions of their relationship to the EU (European identity creation) and the values connected to the creation of social and political identities of the pupils. The linguistic investigation is performed by corpus-driven systemic-functional analysis of Transitivity processes and Appraisal. Based on Halliday's system of transitivity 2 and Martin & White's appraisal theory 3 the corpus-driven systemic-functional analytic approach is proven to be a highly effective instrument in exposing patterns of identification, values and self-positioning 4.Existing only for a few years, Type II Schola Europaea institutions are the latest development in the "Europeanization" of public education and they represent a new object of study. To date, no research has been conducted in this area from the perspective of applied linguistics, nor has any study focused on the "outcomes" produced by Schola Europaea institutions, such as the ways pupils in these schools express their social and political identities in their communication. Thus, the relevance of this research is that it provides new empirical information about the politics of identity construction, the dissemination of values and the potential of these unique institutions to create "European citizens".