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This investigation intents to give an answer to some of the radical questions of our days, only that this time, from, the look of the Political Theory, understanding this as the set of knowledge and practices that the human beings have deployed in order to constitute political communities. Thus, his study is organized into two large groups that obey to the profound division between classical antiquity and modernity: Governing together and Governing others. To achieve the above, we go back to The Athenian Polis, The Roman Res Publica, the Florentine Republic and the end of the question for political freedom, to reach the period from the sixteenth to the twenty-first century. Such a great task requires as a request for principle to be carried out in several stages, since what has been developed here has been and is discussed in the permanent cathedra of Political Theory of Universidad Libre -Bogotá-, which is interdisciplinary, and is composed in its base by students of philosophy and law of the same University, but has also had the assistance of students and professionals from other universities. This leads to highlighting at every moment the arrival point that the founders of Universidad Libre set out as one in which our knowledge and know are at the service of human dignity, seeking to contribute to the formation of free men and good habits. ; La presente investigación intenta dar una respuesta a algunas de las preguntas radicales de nuestros días, solo que esta vez, desde, la mirada de la Teoría Política, entendiendo por esta el conjunto de saberes y prácticas que los seres humanos han desplegado a fin de constituir comunidades políticas. Así las cosas, se organiza su estudio en dos grandes grupos que obedecen a la división profunda entre la antigüedad clásica y la modernidad: Gobernar juntos y Gobernar a los otros. Para lograr lo anterior nos remontamos hasta La polis ateniense, La res publica romana, la República Florentina y el fin de la pregunta por la libertad política, hasta llegar al periodo que va desde el siglo XVI al XXI. Una tarea tan magna requiere como petición de principio que realice en varias etapas, puesto que lo aquí desarrollado ha sido y es discutido en la cátedra permanente de Teoría Política de la Universidad Libre –Bogotá–, la cual es interdisciplinar, y está compuesta en su base por estudiantes de filosofía y de derecho de la misma Universidad, pero ha contado también con la asistencia de estudiantes y profesionales de otras universidades; esto lleva a resaltar en cada instante el punto de llegada que plantearon los fundadores de la Universidad Libre como aquel en el que nuestro conocimiento y nuestro saber estén al servicio de la dignidad humana, buscando contribuir a formar hombres libres y de buenas costumbres.

Over the last couple of decades, the conditions of life for nomadic peoples have been radically rethought (Devore & Lee, 1999). Contrary to what we once were told, the lives of hunters, gatherers and pastoralists are generally not "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short" (Hobbes, 1651, i:13, p. 84). Rather, barring environmental calamities, their lives are sociable, rich, pleasant, sophisticated and long. Gatherers are not desperately digging for roots and hunters are not chasing wild geese. Instead hunters and gatherers have traditionally lived in abundant environments where looking for food is similar to looking for something to eat in a refrigerator (Turnbull, 1984, pp. 96–108). Their days can be spent on leisurely activities, and when food is required, they simply go and get it. ; 2-s2.0-85088469138

Illustrated lining-paper. ; Bibliography: p. 191-194. ; Principles of the theory: Doctrines of St. Isidore of Seville which influenced Spanish legal thought. The Lex Visigothorum or the Forum iudiciorum. Principles of the Forum iudiciorum, the Usatges of Barcelona and the Costumbres of Tortosa. Las siete partidas and the influence of the Roman Justinian law.-Administrative machinery: The kingship. The councils of the king. The municipalities. The Cortes. Conclusion: Summary of the Spanish and Roman Justinian principles. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The other chapters in this book describe and critique the standard methods used in analytical political theory. Here we give a few pointers, of the sort we give to our students, about doing a political theory PhD.

Kant combined two traditional approaches in his political theory, reference to a utopian and ideal universal moral order in common with Plato, Thomas More, and Jean Jacques Rousseau and an analysis of the pursuit of individual self-interest leading to the establishment of laws that enable citizens to satisfy their interests, like Thomas Hobbes, Niccolò Machiavelli, and Adam Smith. Kant focused on the international level, arguing that following the categorical imperative would arrange a society equitably while national commercial self-interest would lead to a league of nations to adjudicate international disputes. Kant was unique in providing both a theory of an ideal society and a method to achieve it.

This dissertation is inspired by the small but growing number of political and social theorists whose works have been highly influenced by the later philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein. These authors developed their theories at least in part by taking Wittgenstein's thought to have normative implications on methodological and substantive issues in political and social theory. The aim of this dissertation is to narrate and analyse the influence of Wittgenstein in political theory as a contribution to the intellectual history of twentieth century political thought. To that end, Hanna Pitkin's "Wittgenstein and Justice" and James Tully's "Public Philosophy in a New Key" present an exemplary (in both senses of the word) pair of works that allow us to compare contrasting approaches to using Wittgenstein's ideas and methods.The dissertation begins with an introductory chapter that sets out the main problem: Ludwig Wittgenstein's influence in political theory is fairly under-narrated and under-analysed, especially in a dissertation-length project. The purpose of this chapter is to give a brief historical overview of this identified gap in the literature. The second chapter provides a brief introduction to the concepts and methods of Wittgenstein's later work, as well as an explanation of some of his basic philosophical commitments since the "Tractatus-Logico Philosophicus". The third chapter is an exposition and analysis of Hanna Pitkin's social thought in Wittgenstein and Justice. I show how Pitkin built her social theory by taking Peter Winch's and J. L. Austin's methodological work to complement and expand the fundamental ontological and epistemological precepts she draws from Wittgenstein's later philosophy. The fourth chapter is an exposition and analysis of Pitkin's political thought in "Wittgenstein and Justice". I show how she built her political theory by taking Wittgenstein's ontology to flesh out and expand the fundamental political values she draws from Kant and Arendt. The dissertation continues with James Tully. The fifth chapter is an exposition and analysis of James Tully's social thought in "Public Philosophy in a New Key". I show how the social theory of James Tully is primarily inspired by the post-structuralist works of Michel Foucault and the later philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein. The sixth chapter is an exposition and analysis of James Tully's political thought in "Public Philosophy in a New Key". I show how Tully's belief that the role of public philosophy is to address public affairs cashes out in i) critical surveys of practices and languages that set the context of practical social and political problems and their proposed solutions, and ii) historical or genealogical surveys that place those languages and practices in their larger contexts in order to see how forms of subjectivity are shaped by historically specific trends in thought and action.I end the dissertation with a concluding chapter that compares my findings about Pitkin and Tully under the light of Wittgenstein's anti-theoretical commitments and his beliefs regarding the second-order nature of philosophy. I argue that Pitkin, in sailing too close the modernist wind, takes a narrower view of the political than Wittgenstein's social ontology might suggest. And therefore, Tully's work, by being more resolutely anti-theoretical and anti-foundational, is more consonant with Wittgenstein's ethos. My final evaluation of Pitkin's and Tully's Wittgensteinian political theories will highlight the strengths and weaknesses of their diverging approaches, while holding on to the caveat that we need not agree with everything Wittgenstein has laid out in order to find something useful from him that can help in our work.

Hegel's historical and political thought can best be understood if we understand its relationship to Rousseau's political theory and Kant's philosophy of history. Hegel's conception of the modem state closely resembles Rousseau's ideal community which was based upon rational freedom realized through a general will and reinforced by custom and tradition which shaped the character and interests of the citizens. However, Rousseau's community was utopian-it could not be realized in the modem world. It was incompatible with commerce and trade which promote particular interest and thus corrupt custom and erode the general will. These matters will be discussed in Section III. To explain the possibility of the ideal state in the modern worid, Hegel turns to Kant's philosophy of history where commerce, trade, and confliccing particular interests themselves lead to what morality the categorical imperative or the general will-would demand. Kant's ideal state, however, completely lacks custom, tradition, and community-what Hegel calls "Sittlichkeit." These matters will be discussed in Section II.

Recent decisions of the Rehnquist Court--particularly the Court's 1992 decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey--have caused many to question widely-held assumptions about the meaning of judicial conservatism. In this article, Ernest Young argues that the views of the modern judicial "conservatives" such as Judge Robert Bork and Justice Antonin Scalia are antithetical to classical conservative political theory, as exemplified by the writings and speeches of the eighteenth-century British philosopher/politician Edmund Burke. In particular, Mr. Young argues that strict adherence to the original understanding of the Constitution, judicial deference to democratic majorities, and formulation of legal directives as bright-line rules are all inconsistent with classical conservatism. Instead, Mr. Young advocates an approach to constitutional interpretation inspired by Burke's emphasis on tradition and evolutionary reform. Moreover, Mr. Young speculates that it is precisely this "common-law constitutionalism" that may be driving the emerging center of today's Supreme Court.

v.1. Second century to the ninth, by A.J. Carlyle. - v.2. Political theory of the Roman lawyers and the canonists, from the tenth century to the thirteenth century, by A.J. Carlyle. - v.3. Political theory from the tenth century to the thirteenth, by A.J. Carlyle. - v.4. Theories of the relation of the empire and the papacy from the tenth century to the twelfth, by A.J. Carlyle. - v.5. Political theory of the thirteenth century, by R.W. Carlyle and A.J. Carlyle. - v.6. Political theory from 1300 to 1600, by A.J. Carlyle. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In Political Self-Deception, Galeotti carves out valuable space for the analysis of behaviour on the part of political leaders that lies between straightforward deception and honest mistakes. In these comments I consider whether the concept of self-deception can travel from the political to the academic arena, to illuminate problems in how political theorists treat empirical data in the course of their normative work. Drawing on examples from the literature on the social bases of self-respect, I show that political theorists too are vulnerable to the motivationally biased treatment of data. I suggest that this problem can helpfully be located on the same broad terrain Galeotti outlines, between lying and mistakes. I also identify some potential analogues, for the academic sphere, of Galeotti's proposed remedies for political SD. The paper goes on to reflect on how Galeotti herself employs empirical evidence in developing her account of self-deception. In particular, I challenge the empirical basis of her assumption that political self-deception is significantly more predictable, and therefore preventable, than political lying. My discussion seeks to show that, in addition to its intended contribution to the study of political deception, Political Self-Deception offers a valuable perspective on recent debates about the place of empirical evidence in political theory. However, approaching the book from this methodological angle reveals, in turn, some weaknesses in the empirical foundations of one of Galeotti's own key normative claims.

While to political theorists in the United States 'community radio' may seem a quaint holdover of the democratization movements of the 1960s, community radio has been an important tool in development contexts for decades. In this paper I investigate how community radio is conceptualized within and outside of the development frame, as a solution to development problems, as part of development projects communication strategy, and as a tool for increasing democratic political participation in development projects. I want to show that community radio is an essential tool of democratization and democracy outside of the development frame. To do so, I will bring out the conceptual and structural dimensions of community radio through examples of existing community radios, both those which are independently created and those which have been created as development projects. These structural and conceptual elements provide community radio the potential to realize the goals of development practice while avoiding characteristic pitfalls. These 'pitfalls' of development are also pitfalls of democratization and democracy in existing democratic states, and include: depoliticization, limited participation, particularly of marginalized groups.

Locke is famous for arguing—by most accounts unsuccessfully—both that many people have political obligations, and that political obligation depends on freely chosen, deliberate acts of individual consent. My aim here is not to resuscitate this feature of Locke's thought. Rather, it is to show how and why Locke develops another, largely unnoticed line of reasoning about political consent. According to this direction of thought, political consent is not a discrete act that precedes consensual political relationships, but rather a dimension of ongoing political activity in cooperation with others. Such consent, which I will call 'participatory consent,' matters not because political life is morally optional, but because it is a necessary condition of freedom from arbitrary power within political society. This alternative picture of political consent, though not without its difficulties, fairs significantly better than the conception of political consent on which most Locke scholars have long focused.

The attitude of Louis Althusser towards Mao Zedong and Maoism is determined by the philosopher's intolerance to the "humanistic" revisionism of the fundamental principles of Marxism. Althusser characterizes Mao Zedong as a great Chinese communist leader, whose theoretical and political practice was in strict accordance with Marxism-Leninism. The philosopher draws conclusions about the continuity of Maoism in Leninist theoretical and political practice, as well as the possibility of the existence of a Marxist-Leninist alternative to Soviet socialist development.

"This essay is published under the auspices of the Sterling memorial library of Yale university. It is one of two essays selected for publication from among the senior departmental essays written by members of the class of 1940 in Yale college." Bibliography: p.113-114. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Vita. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Columbia University, 1920. ; Bibliography: p. [165]-166. ; Mode of access: Internet.