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This study of political tolerance in India reveals a positive correlation between such tolerance and membership in political parties and unions, and living in urban areas. Surprisingly, the study finds no difference in the levels of political tolerance between BJP and Congress (I) supporters, and no connection with education levels.

Abstract In the field of political behavior, tolerance is a crucial element to keep harmonious relationship. Studies should be able to measure a valid construct of tolerance in an effort to understand it further. Ferrar (1979) conducted a research focusing on the concept of political tolerance and theorized political tolerance to have three dimensions, namely flexible, approval, and allowance. This study aims to construct a political tolerance scale based on Ferrar's concept and dimensions. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) is employed to test the construct validity and dimensionality of the Political Tolerance Scale. Participants were 300 Indonesian-Muslims. The results support the Political Tolerance Scale as a unidimensional scale consists of flexible, approval, and allowance dimensions. However, the limitation of the samples' characteristic suggests future studies to conduct further researches on samples with different characteristics.AbstractDalam ilmu perilaku politik, toleransi adalah merupakan elemen penting untuk menjaga keharmonisan hubungan. Kajian saintifik harus mampu mengukur konstruk toleransi yang valid dalam upaya memahaminya lebih jauh. Ferrar (1979) melakukan penelitian yang berfokus pada konsep toleransi politik dimana toleransi politik diteorikan memiliki tiga dimensi, yaitu fleksibel, persetujuan, dan pengakomodiran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkonstruksi alat ukur toleransi politik. Analisis faktor konfirmatori (CFA) digunakan untuk menguji validitas konstruk dan dimensi Skala Toleransi. Pesertanya adalah 300 orang Muslim Indonesia. Hasil yang didapat mendukung Skala Toleransi Politik sebagai skala unidimensional yang terdiri dari dimensi fleksibel, persetujuan, dan pengakomodiran. Namun, keterbatasan karakteristik sampel mendorong studi selanjutnya untuk melakukan penelitian lebih lanjut pada karakteristik sampel yang berbeda.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

Work Package 5: New Knowledge on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity in Europe ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

Political tolerance, which is the willingness to extend civil liberties, is a core principle in a democracy. In the study of tolerance, scholars use some variation of the tolerance scale, which gives us individual and aggregated willingness to extend civil liberties, such as free speech to disliked groups. There are potential issues with the way tolerance is measured, particularly with regard to different social groups. Through a series of experimental studies using student and internet samples, I examine whether political tolerance is susceptible to social concerns. Given that the measure of tolerance may be susceptible to social concerns, estimates of political tolerance may not fully capture actual tolerance.

Political tolerance is a significant issue for democracies under external threats. When imposed dangers are felt by citizens of the polity, competitors for political power are likely to believe that they are engaging in political battles of a zero-sum nature, having a life or death consequence. Because Taiwan is under constant military pressure from China, it is an excellent case for an analysis of political tolerance in a democracy that is threatened by external forces. Employing recently collected survey data, this study finds that the majority of Taiwanese residents show a willingness to extend rights of citizenship to others in the polity on the most salient issue that divides them. However, the perceived threats from Beijing's claims to the island and from the Taiwan independence movement have had negative impacts on the citizens' level of tolerance. The finding of this study will have important policy implications for Taiwan's young democracy and will also hold significant theoretical implications for the study of political tolerance under threats.

This article is an attempt to bridge both the concept of ethnic and political tolerance into one account. It also is an attempt to make a connection between both ethnic and political tolerance with the studies of voting behaviour. Using qualitative methodology with content analysis approach and reviewing past literature, this article proposed a development of democratic-rational learning framework, a hybrid perspective from democratic learning and rational choice theories. As to date, the non-existence of any single model that explains both areas may pave to a new avenue in understand tolerance ethnically and politically and its importance in the study of voting behaviour. The proposed framework is perhaps contributed to the current body of knowledge of both theories. It is significance where ethnic and politics perceived as most important matter, and tolerance become increasingly worldwide agenda in managing multi-diversity society. Evidences are discussed further. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s1p365

Political tolerance ­­­–– the willingness to afford basic civil rights to individuals or groups that one finds disagreeable –– is fundamental to liberal democracy. For several decades, political scientists believed that widespread religious adherence in the United States threatened political tolerance. Recent research casts doubt on the direct relationship between religiosity and political tolerance. However, this research is based on decades-old data or a sample collected from a single county. My study tests the relationship between religiosity and political tolerance using more recent national survey data. It confirms that, although religiosity is related to dogmatism, no direct relationship exists between religiosity and political tolerance.

The exploration of the religious underpinnings of intolerance has long focused on the effects of religious behaviors and beliefs, but has ignored a variety of important facets of the religious experience that should bear on tolerance judgments: elite communication, religious values about how the world should be ordered, and social networks in churches. We focus on the communication of religious values and argue specifically that values should affect threat judgments and thus affect tolerance judgments indirectly. We test these assertions using data gathered in a survey experiment and find that priming exclusive religious values augments threat and thus reduces tolerance. Adapted from the source document.