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ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.

Political tolerance, which is the willingness to extend civil liberties, is a core principle in a democracy. In the study of tolerance, scholars use some variation of the tolerance scale, which gives us individual and aggregated willingness to extend civil liberties, such as free speech to disliked groups. There are potential issues with the way tolerance is measured, particularly with regard to different social groups. Through a series of experimental studies using student and internet samples, I examine whether political tolerance is susceptible to social concerns. Given that the measure of tolerance may be susceptible to social concerns, estimates of political tolerance may not fully capture actual tolerance.

Political tolerance ­­­–– the willingness to afford basic civil rights to individuals or groups that one finds disagreeable –– is fundamental to liberal democracy. For several decades, political scientists believed that widespread religious adherence in the United States threatened political tolerance. Recent research casts doubt on the direct relationship between religiosity and political tolerance. However, this research is based on decades-old data or a sample collected from a single county. My study tests the relationship between religiosity and political tolerance using more recent national survey data. It confirms that, although religiosity is related to dogmatism, no direct relationship exists between religiosity and political tolerance.

Once a fully free country according to Freedom House, Indonesia has declined to partly free in the last seven years, indicating that the largest Muslim democracy in the world is deconsolidating. The decrease of freedom in Indonesia is believed to be associated with intolerance toward religious minorities, specifically by Muslims toward non-Muslims. Previous studies found that Indonesians are in general intolerant. However, those studies ignore factors which have the potential to strengthen religio-polititical tolerance. My contribution is to fill this empty space by explaining the intolerance. The potential explanatory factors are political, economic, and security conditions, institutional engagement, political engagement, and democratic values. Based on a nationwide public opinion survey, this study reveals new findings about which factors are more crucial to strengthening religio-political tolerance. Muslim religiosity affects significantly and negatively religio-political tolerance. However, economic, political, and security conditions, institutional engagement, political engagement, democratic values, and Javanese ethnicity more significantly explain the tolerance. If these factors prevail over religion and religiosity, tolerance will improve.

-text"/-This article was initiated to recognize the level of political tolerance in a multiethnic society of Malaysia, with a specific orientation to the district of Kuala Langat, Selangor, Malaysia. It also aimed at identifying factors that stimulus political tolerance in the area involved. In a survey of political tolerance of 200 respondents, this study begs the question of the relationship of political tolerance and youth participation in political activities. It is imperative to study due to the demographic distinctiveness and generality power of expanse for forecasting near future of political and voting tendencies in Selangor. The findings reveal that the youth of Kuala Langat district can be categorized as medium good of political tolerance practitioners, as democratic values and civic participation are more significant than the issue of party politics and ethnicity. It is substantial where moderation has become gradually Malaysia national plan in managing plural society. Results and discussions are further discussed.

"Attitudes Toward LGBT+ People and Policies: Political Tolerance and Egalitarianism" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Attitudes toward LGBT Rights: Political Tolerance and Egalitarian Values in the United States" published on by Oxford University Press.

Recent scholarship has shown the importance of political conservatism, perceived (in)security, and communication channels (i.e. mass media) in increased or decreased tolerance toward certain groups. This study advances our knowledge in this area by integrating the importance of media exposure, interpersonal communication and attitudes toward political elites in shaping tolerance levels toward the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC, after the initials in Spanish). For this, the authors analyze national survey data collected in Colombia and carry out a path analysis to explore the formation of political (in)tolerance toward FARC. Results from exploring tolerance toward FARC, a rebel group transitioning from a military force to a political one, show the importance of interpersonal discussion and attitudes toward political elites in fostering tolerance both directly and indirectly via increased preference for a peace negotiation over a military solution. The implications of these findings are discussed.