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In contemporary pluralistic societies, tolerance is today a crucial value and a cardinal virtue. Tolerance regarding choices of identity and choices of cultural belonging seems to call for a duty of tolerance toward identities and individual choices. Nevertheless some communities refuse to let their children confronted with divergent ways of living. This fact therefore raises the question of the limit for respect of pluralism at school. We'll demonstrate that the conflicts analysed in the paper could be solved by a "logic of compromise" rather than a "logic of consensus" and by an "institutionalization of disagreement" which can offer an effective expression to moral and reasonable conflicts.

Even today, before its effective European integration, Romania still witnesses strong diversity refusal at the general public level. This research paper deals with the Romanian majority representations of two of the most visible ethnic minorities in Romania -Hungarians and Gypsies- and pays attention to significant attitudes of discrimination and intolerance. Moreover, it examines some of the most important factors for ethnic tolerance. The social capital theory sets that participation in secondary organizations is a certain source for civic values, social trust and positive norms of reciprocity, commitment, honesty, tolerance and mutual respect. But in Romania the effects of participation are weaker than expected in this respect. The most important factors for tolerance are ethnic contact and -especially for the Gypsies- the spread of ethnic prejudices. Even education appears less important, a possible solution for the future development of ethnic tolerance is multicultural education, which offers the chance of a contact between still separated ethnic cultures in Romania.

Discusses Baruch Spinoza's apparent endorsement of tolerance in his Theologico-Political Treatise (TPT). Despite its appearance of impiety, the real objective of the TPT was to demonstrate that true philosophy is both compatible with & conducive to piety, to present no threat for peace. It is argued that the knowledge of truth is a sufficient & necessary condition for peace; & the knowledge of truth is in harmony with & indispensable to "pietas," the constant willingness to execute the will of God (vs atheism). Indeed, the TPT focuses on peace more than on tolerance, peace that can only be realized based on true knowledge, even if such knowledge leads to conclusions generally considered impious. J. Sadler

Discusses Baruch Spinoza's apparent endorsement of tolerance in his Theologico-Political Treatise (TPT). Despite its appearance of impiety, the real objective of the TPT was to demonstrate that true philosophy is both compatible with & conducive to piety, to present no threat for peace. It is argued that the knowledge of truth is a sufficient & necessary condition for peace; & the knowledge of truth is in harmony with & indispensable to "pietas," the constant willingness to execute the will of God (vs atheism). Indeed, the TPT focuses on peace more than on tolerance, peace that can only be realized based on true knowledge, even if such knowledge leads to conclusions generally considered impious. J. Sadler

The political tolerance & urban sociology literature indicates that urban residence is positively linked to tolerant attitudes & behavior. Because the city favors more contacts with unconventional groups & individuals, urban dwellers develop a higher level of political tolerance. The present article tests the empirical relevance of the rural-urban cleavage in the Canadian context. The paper shows that "urban" political tolerance may be specific to the US. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes transfers of U.S. public policies, focusing specifically on the influence of the New York Police Department's "zero tolerance policing" strategy on French crime control policies. An in-depth analysis of major French national newspapers shows undeniable support for this transfer in the media and in political and expert circles, which have taken it up as a slogan while gradually shifting its original meaning. In actual French crime control policies, however, both at local and national level, this supposed transfer turns out to be illusory, owing to insurmountable disparities between the institutional and professional codes and cultures of the two nations. Zero tolerance is, then, a good illustration of the gap between symbol and substance that may obtain in the transfer of public policies. Adapted from the source document.

Martin Nadeau, Virtuous Heroines : Representations of Pamela (1793-1797).
Three manifestations of the figure of the virtuous heroine are represented in this play by Francois de Neufchateau, performed in Paris between 1793 and 1797. In addition to the fictional personage of Pamela, whose virtue triumphs over the misfortunes and manipulations of Milord Bonfil, and is rewarded at the time of the denouement of intrigue, other types of female characters, more tangible, are here presented. On one hand, the actrices in the title role played an active part outside the realm of theater, in the political sphere where Terror and virtue tried, in the year II, to unite. On the other hand, female spectators, actrices after a fashion, constituted the essential public of Pamela, just as they had made up the readership of Samuel Richardson, the inspiration for Neufchateau. These women, too, were active outside the theatrical world, agitating in favor of political tolerance. From then on and under the Directory, they turned this theatrical performance into a public platform of political debate.

Modern European identity is built around two types of cleavages revealed in the beginning of the XIX century: fraternity and conflict. The meanings and the different readings of these two themes of the democratic modernity provide by themselves an accurate image of the period in question. For Central and South-eastern Europe, these two indicators burst into the political scenery and in the political thought at the same period, under the significant impact of the French Revolution. This article is tracking the main paradigm changes produced in the political thought in this part of Europe, especially in the Romanian Principalities, interpreted trough the lenses of civic aggregation and the creation of civil society. Individuals are more and more defined as holding a double existence, as public markers and private entities; this fresh perspective accompanies the expression of either tolerance (accompanied by an auto-critical perspective) or antagonism (of class, race, religion, civilization in a more general matter of speaking) and they are at the ground foundation of modern political system.

Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de ...

Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de ...

Towards the Co-existence of Ethnic and Significant Religious Groups. (The Genesis of the Multi-National "Islamic" Socialist Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.)
This study takes the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina as starting point for an examination of the various national, religious, social and political factors whose complexities and inter-relationships are particularly important in the context of developing countries such as Yugoslavia. The author also refers to sub-Carpathian Ukraine, and observes how, in these multi-national and multi-religious regions, ethnic and religious factors go hand in hand.
In the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, religion is the basis of the quasi-nationality represented by the Moslem community. Having examined the growth of this group prior to the Second World War, the author goes on to analyse the part played by the war in the creation of a separate community. While the broad mass of the Moslem group may have remained more or less in a state of expectant passivity, there emerged an élite within the party, the armed resistance and the activists for socialist workers competition after the revolution. Identifying themselves as a Moslem entity within the nation, this group thereby signified their mistrust of the other two main groups (orthodox Serbs and catholic Croats), their national pride bolstered and their collective advancement encouraged by the liberal attitude of the Party, and then of the State, towards their aspirations, both on the national question and on socio-economic matters (self-management) and individual freedoms. This atmosphere encourages differentiation within the Moslem community, between strict believers and liberals, clerical and secular. A greater degree of ideological and political tolerance would help to create better lines of communication among the three communities, and might lessen the danger of a spread of theocratic or Khomeini-like enthusiasms among the Moslems.

Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de l'adhésion au principe de laïcité sur les relations intergroupes révèlent que ce principe prédit négativement la tolérance envers la diversité culturelle. Cependant, de nombreux sociologues, politologues et historiens s'accordent à dire que la laïcité, telle qu'elle est conçue aujourd'hui, ne correspond pas à ce qu'elle était initialement, au moment de la création de la Loi de Séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat, en 1905. Il semblerait donc qu'il existe, non pas une laïcité, mais plusieurs conceptions de celle-ci. L'objectif de cette thèse se décline en trois axes de recherche : le premier est de construire une échelle permettant de prendre en compte les différentes croyances de la laïcité ; le deuxième est d'étudier, dans quelle mesure, l'adhésion aux différentes croyances sous-jacentes à la laïcité est liée à plus ou moins de tolérance envers la diversité culturelle ; le troisième est d'étudier comment l'adhésion aux différentes dimensions sous-jacentes à la laïcité prédit plus ou moins de tolérance envers la diversité religieuse. Globalement, les résultats indiquent qu'il existe différentes conceptions de la laïcité, permettant soit de promouvoir la tolérance envers la diversité culturelle et religieuse, soit, au contraire, d'atténuer la tolérance envers la diversité culturelle et religieuse. Les apports de ce travail, tant au niveau de la recherche, qu'au niveau sociétal sont discutés lors de la conclusion générale