The author claims: 1) in Spinoza a classical idea of toleration, if traceable, has a marginal role: no logic of concession, the one that (in Thomas' conception) allows the prince to resign to the different cults just like one may resign to the human vices and sins; and no toleration as an intermediate claim, in view of a fuller acknowledgement of the individual rights (Locke, Voltaire); 2) in Spinoza there is a clear idea of an underlying "patience", which lays under political power; a kind of "continuous low", with variations that become decisive within the raising of the «imperium»: a most peculiar and original thesis that originates from the core of Spinoza's political thought, and that reverses the traditional roles of "tolerant" and "tolerated", of one and many, of governor and multitudo.
From the very first pages of the Theological-political Treatise, Spinoza deals with the issue of prophecy with a clear purpose, that is to expunge any possible relation between prophetical language and godly transcendence, in order to prevent that prophecy could become an instrument of domination in the hands of the theocratic power. Anyway, Spinoza also maintains that the prophetic message played a relevant ethical and political role among the ancient people, especially among the Hebrews, since it contributed to create a social bond, based upon the passions and the imaginations of the community. Such an ambivalent peculiarity of prophecy seems to have disappeared in Spinoza's times, insofar as «we have no prophets in our day» (TTP, chapter 1), but only preachers who make use of popular superstition to strengthen their authority. Actually, we can explain differently this TTP's statement, by considering a possible influence of the Collegiant movement in Spinoza's thought, and therefore maintaining that the free prophetic discussion represents the genesis of any process aimed both to liberate individuals from superstition and to resist to non-democratic rules.
Scopo del saggio è descrivere come trattatisti storici e politici italiani del Cinquecento hanno valutato la struttura politica dell'impero ottomano. In quanto Stato non cristiano, la Turchia poteva essere vista come una perfetta realizzazione delle idee di Machiavelli concernenti la logica interna dell'assolutismo, compresa la manipolazione pragmatica delle credenze religiose. Traiano Boccalini usa il modello politico ottomano per criticare l'apologia della tolleranza religiosa di Jean Bodin. Gli scrittori occidentali sono particolarmente interessati all'organizzazione dell'esercito turco, che sembra offrire un esempio vivente dell'applicabilità dei punti di vista machiavelliani. ; The aim of the essay is to describe how Italian historians and political analysts of the sixteenth century appreased the political structure of the Osman empire. As a no Christian State, Turkey could be viewed as the perfect realization of Machiavellian ideas about the inner logic of absolutism, including pragmatic manipulation of religious beliefs. Traiano Boccalini employs the Osman political pattern in order to criticize Jean Bodin's apology of religious tolerance. Western writers are especially interested on the organization of Turkish army, which seems to offer a lively example of the practical viability of Machiavellian points of view.
Although it is well known that Italy is characterized by a rather high level of inequality in income distribution, as testified by many empirical studies using objective data, there is a lack of studies about subjective aspects of inequalities, i.e. how people perceive and judge them. This article investigates Italian workers' attitudes to income inequalities using recent data from a nationally representative sample (N = 2.500). I report findings about three kinds of attitudes – perceived actual inequalities, legitimate inequalities, and tolerance of inequalities – measured by respondents' estimation of income ratios between high and low status occupations (like in past ISSP surveys). At the aggregate level, the main result is that high income inequalities, even though generally underestimated by interviewees, are quite uniformly considered unjust at the level where respondents actually perceive them. At the micro level, as suggested by sociological and economic theories, this analysis investigated the role of self-interest and political orientation as drivers of attitudes towards inequalities and the system generating them. Regression results show that both class and income, as indicators of self-interest, matter for the level of legitimate («just») inequalities. As expected, people in the service class and more affluent individuals accept wider income ratios between occupations than working class people and less affluent individuals. However income, unlike class, influences the perception of the actual level of inequalities. Thus class, rather than income, turns to be associated with tolerance of inequalities. Quite unexpectedly, political orientation, as measured by self-placement along the left-right axis, is not correlated with legitimate inequalities. All the apparent association between political orientation and (in-)tolerance of inequalities is almost entirely due to the heightened awareness of actual income inequalities displayed by left-wing people, not by their opinion about just income ratios. Variations of these relationships at sub-national level were also found and reported.
International audience ; Cet essai contient un examen du traité théologico-politique (Tractatus theologico-politicus) de Baruch Spinoza. L'œuvre sort anonymement à Amsterdam en 1670. La thèse de l'œuvre est que la liberté de pensée et d'expression est fondamentale dans un État libre, et que la négation de ces deux libertés fondamentales détruit la paix et la liberté à l'intérieur de l'État. La thèse est démontrée en recourant à l'interprétation rationnelle des Saintes Écritures, à la philosophie de la religion, à la théologie et à la philosophie de la politique, à travers de nombreux exemples pratiques. L'ouvrage, constitué de 20 chapitres et d'une préface, porte le titre intégral suivant : Traité théologico-politique contenant quelques dissertations par lesquelles il montre que la liberté de philosopher ne peut pas seulement être concédée sauve tout en restant la piété et la paix de l'État, mais qu'elle ne peut être enlevée qu'avec la paix de l'Etat et la piété elle-même. Il est condamné par décret de la Cour de Hollande le 19 juillet 1674, avec le Philosophia Sacrae Scripturae. ; Il presente saggio contiene un esame del Trattato teologico-politico (Tractatus theologico-politicus) di Baruch Spinoza. L'opera uscì anonima ad Amsterdam nel 1670. La tesi dell'opera è che la libertà di pensiero e di espressione sono fondamentali in uno Stato libero, e che la negazione di queste due fondamentali libertà distrugge la pace e la libertà all'interno dello Stato. La tesi è dimostrata facendo ricorso all'interpretazione razionaledelle Sacre Scritture, alla filosofia della religione, alla teologia e alla filosofia della politica, attraverso numerosi esempi pratici. L'opera, costituita di 20 capitoli e di una prefazione, reca il seguente titolo integrale: Trattato teologico-politico contenente alcune dissertazioni con le quali si mostra che la libertà di filosofare non soltanto può essere concessa salve restando la pietà e la pace dello Stato, ma che essa non può essere tolta se non assieme alla pace dello Stato e alla pietà ...
International audience ; Cet essai contient un examen du traité théologico-politique (Tractatus theologico-politicus) de Baruch Spinoza. L'œuvre sort anonymement à Amsterdam en 1670. La thèse de l'œuvre est que la liberté de pensée et d'expression est fondamentale dans un État libre, et que la négation de ces deux libertés fondamentales détruit la paix et la liberté à l'intérieur de l'État. La thèse est démontrée en recourant à l'interprétation rationnelle des Saintes Écritures, à la philosophie de la religion, à la théologie et à la philosophie de la politique, à travers de nombreux exemples pratiques. L'ouvrage, constitué de 20 chapitres et d'une préface, porte le titre intégral suivant : Traité théologico-politique contenant quelques dissertations par lesquelles il montre que la liberté de philosopher ne peut pas seulement être concédée sauve tout en restant la piété et la paix de l'État, mais qu'elle ne peut être enlevée qu'avec la paix de l'Etat et la piété elle-même. Il est condamné par décret de la Cour de Hollande le 19 juillet 1674, avec le Philosophia Sacrae Scripturae. ; Il presente saggio contiene un esame del Trattato teologico-politico (Tractatus theologico-politicus) di Baruch Spinoza. L'opera uscì anonima ad Amsterdam nel 1670. La tesi dell'opera è che la libertà di pensiero e di espressione sono fondamentali in uno Stato libero, e che la negazione di queste due fondamentali libertà distrugge la pace e la libertà all'interno dello Stato. La tesi è dimostrata facendo ricorso all'interpretazione razionaledelle Sacre Scritture, alla filosofia della religione, alla teologia e alla filosofia della politica, attraverso numerosi esempi pratici. L'opera, costituita di 20 capitoli e di una prefazione, reca il seguente titolo integrale: Trattato teologico-politico contenente alcune dissertazioni con le quali si mostra che la libertà di filosofare non soltanto può essere concessa salve restando la pietà e la pace dello Stato, ma che essa non può essere tolta se non assieme alla pace dello Stato e alla pietà ...
The Roman Republic of 1849 is one of the most exciting moment of the heroic season of the Italian Risorgimento, a short adventure in which the contemporaries recognized the opportunity to realize ideals of freedom, tolerance and democracy. This research aims to analyses the role played by religion in the political and social experiment that started in Rome after the pope's escape, when it was necessary to redefine relations between civil and religious authorities, as well as the role of religion itself in society: a task not at all easy if applied to a State reality, where political and religious powers had been superimposed for centuries, but that will set an inescapable precedent for the subsequent attempts to build a secular State.
The new image of Islam that spread in sixteenth-century Protestant Europe marks a fundamental shift in the relationship with the 'Other' in modern times. The analysis carried out in this essay focuses on the cultural initiatives and reflections of the non conformist scholars and reformers, Theodor Bibliander (1506-1564) and Giovanni Leonardo Sartori (1500?-1556). These two intellectuals transformed the political role of the religious and political image of the Turkish Ottoman world. From enemy par excellence of the Christian society, and the very embodiment of evil, Islam became for them an object of enquiry, discussion and examination. It contributed also to the birth of a new, ethical and almost a-dogmatic, conception of Christianity. Bibliander's and Sartori's prospect was undoubtedly a Christian one. For them the final aim of apprehending the religious 'Other' still consisted in its inclusion within Christianity. However, their ideas contain in embryonic form the future developments of the modern attitude to 'other' cultures and religions and to religion itself. This research therefore points to identify some significant elements of the birth of the modern idea of religious tolerance.
The paper analyses Habermas' concept of dramatic action (dramaturgisches Handeln) and its political meaning. In Theory of Communicative Actions Habermas supposes dramatic actions are not communicative, first of all because in this case the artist or the actor would not say the truth about his subjective world and for this reason, these actions are closer to strategic actions; secondly because sentimental communication is not as rational as dialogue and discourse.This paper aims to demonstrate that dramatic actions could be communicative and improve Intersubjectivity, unlike what Habermas maintains with reference to Arendt's communicative concept of Power and to Lyotard's connection to Sentiment and Silence. Trying to develop a definition of sentiments in politics beyond populism, the paper aims to introduce another description of communicative actions in order to acknowledge Sentiments as an importantelement for democracy, because these actions can encourage tolerance and respect for diversity.
Gli ultimi anni del duca Filippo Maria Visconti furono attraversati da vari elementi di crisi, pur in un contesto di prosperità e di istituzioni stabilizzate. Le scelte di politica estera poco lucide da parte dell'anziano duca, gli aumenti della richiesta fiscale a comunità e sudditi e gli episodi di abuso da parte del personale del governo e della corte provocarono un diffuso malcontento. Per far fronte alle spese crescenti, fu utilizzata in prevalenza l'alienazione di possessioni e di beni camerali dati in pegno ai prestatori. Tuttavia, più che per l'aggravamento della richiesta fiscale, l'esasperazione di sudditi e comunità aumentò per la severità esecutiva che sostituiva la relativa tolleranza degli anni precedenti. Il malcontento si manifestò con rivolte localizzate, con rinnovate pretese di capitani e condottieri e con le diffuse lamentele verso i funzionari e i cortigiani giudicati corrotti e disonesti. ; Duke Filippo Maria Visconti's last years were troubled by many signs of crisis, although the duchy of Milan enjoyed a large prosperity and consolidated his political structures. Less lucid foreign politics, growth of fiscal pressure on subjects and communities, some abuses of power by courtiers and ducal officials produced a large discontent. The alienation of fiefs and ducal properties was largely used to cope with the increase of the current expenses: lands, estates and castles were utilised as pledges given to the main lenders. Nevertheless, more than the growth of the tax burden, subjects and communities complained about the authoritarian decision-making style that replaced the previous tolerance. Some local revolts, new pretentions by the condottieri and harsh complaints against corrupted officials and courtiers were the consequences of this crisis.
In his History of Greece, George Grote celebrates the Athenian democracy and considers it an exemplary political regime. Grote despises oligarchy and believes that Athenian popular sovereignty has put an end to factional struggles. In particular, the reform of the courts ensured respect for the law and prevented the strongest and richest from taking power. However, the popular dikasteries were also an effective system for controlling and governing the subjects of the maritime empire. Grote compares the Athenian rule with the British Empire: both are governments of dependencies, in which the subdued states freely manage their internal affairs, but depend on the dominant state in foreign policy. The disputes between Athens and its allies were discussed in the Athenian courts where, according to Grote, the Greeks found fairness and tolerance, and were thus rewarded for the loss of their autonomy. ; Nella History of Greece George Grote celebra la democrazia ateniese e la considera un regime politico esemplare. Grote disprezza l'oligarchia e ritiene che la sovranità popolare ateniese abbia posto fine alle lotte di fazione. In particolare, la riforma periclea dei tribunali garantì il rispetto della legge e impedì ai più forti e ai più ricchi di prendere il potere. Tuttavia, i tribunali popolari furono anche un efficace sistema per controllare e governare i sudditi dell'impero marittimo. Grote paragona il dominio ateniese all'impero britannico: entrambi sono governments of dependencies, in cui gli stati sudditi gestiscono liberamente i loro affari interni, ma dipendono dallo stato dominante nella política estera. Le controversie fra Atene e i suoi alleati erano discusse nei tribunali ateniesi nei quali, secondo Grote, i greci del tempo trovarono giustizia e clemenza, e furono così ricompensati per la perdita della loro autonomia.
ITALIANO: Gli ultimi anni del duca Filippo Maria Visconti furono attraversati da vari elementi di crisi, pur in un contesto di prosperità e di istituzioni stabilizzate. Le scelte di politica estera poco lucide da parte dell'anziano duca, gli aumenti della richiesta fiscale a comunità e sudditi e gli episodi di abuso da parte del personale del governo e della corte provocarono un diffuso malcontento. Per far fronte alle spese crescenti, fu utilizzata in prevalenza l'alienazione di possessioni e di beni camerali dati in pegno ai prestatori. Tuttavia, più che per l'aggravamento della richiesta fiscale, l'esasperazione di sudditi e comunità aumentò per la severità esecutiva che sostituiva la relativa tolleranza degli anni precedenti. Il malcontento si manifestò con rivolte localizzate, con rinnovate pretese di capitani e condottieri e con le diffuse lamentele verso i funzionari e i cortigiani giudicati corrotti e disonesti. / ENGLISH: Duke Filippo Maria Visconti's last years were troubled by many signs of crisis, although the duchy of Milan enjoyed a large prosperity and consolidated his political structures. Less lucid foreign politics, growth of fiscal pressure on subjects and communities, some abuses of power by courtiers and ducal officials produced a large discontent. The alienation of fiefs and ducal properties was largely used to cope with the increase of the current expenses: lands, estates and castles were utilised as pledges given to the main lenders. Nevertheless, more than the growth of the tax burden, subjects and communities complained about the authoritarian decision-making style that replaced the previous tolerance. Some local revolts, new pretentions by the condottieri and harsh complaints against corrupted officials and courtiers were the consequences of this crisis.
Starting from the study of the definition and concept of law this work intends to investigate the construction of the '"other" through the use of a stereotyped idea of the rule of law, defined as the principle of legality. Orientalism is the definition of studies and researches upon non-European cultures. The modern Western society is, according to "our" vision, due to the process of secularization of institutions, made now able to offer to their citizens the legal and social model of coexistence based on democratic principles of tolerance and non-discrimination, recognition and protection of civil, political and religious values. It thus becomes difficult to understand an "other" legal and social system such as that of Islam for which the link between religion and politics is inseparable, since Islam is at the same time a religion, a model of legal and political plans, a proposal of civil society. The research is essentially structured in three sections. Firstly, starting from the study of E. Said (Orientalism) that documents and submits to criticism the use of the East that the West has done in reconstructing its legal, cultural and ideological aims. The purpose is the investigation of the construction of the '"other" through the use of thenstereotyped idea of Understanding the law as the principle of legality.The second part of the work takes the form of a legal system "other" away from the Western legal tradition, which is the Islamic law. Regarding the second part of this study, the aim is to analyse the connection between human rights (as explained in "system" of international protection) and the Koran, the light of the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights of 1981, the Declaration Cairo's human Rights in Islam, the Arab Charter of Human Right of 1994. The third section takes the form of a research activity designed to adress the issue of protection of women's rights in the institutional practice of a Muslim country, Morocco, in light of the recent reform of the Moudawana, the Moroccan Family Code. In light of this new code the rights of women will be analyzed both in there specific "regional" Islam and in the global context or in terms of application of the principles enshrined in international conventions.
Il presente lavoro di tesi intende interrogarsi sugli effetti e le conseguenze sociali di alcune dinamiche di controllo nella società globale. Nello specifico, dedica attenzione a quegli aspetti contraddittori nelle direzioni di sviluppo delle società contemporanee riconducibili ad atteggiamenti politico-sociali caratterizzati dalla "tolleranza zero" che sembra abbiano favorito l'affermazione di una pervasiva cultura del controllo. Il percorso conoscitivo è strutturato in quattro capitoli. Nel primo, si procede ad una problematizzazione dei processi di globalizzazione alla luce del diffondersi di nuove politiche di controllo ispirate al modello della "Tolleranza Zero" nel contesto europeo e italiano. Nel secondo capitolo, dopo una ricostruzione anche storica del concetto di controllo sociale, si apre una riflessione sulle conseguenze culturali e sociali legate allo sviluppo di specifiche dinamiche di punitive nelle società contemporanee. Che rapporto c'è tra l'avanzare di un certo tipo di globalizzazione (il riferimento è al carattere neoliberista) e il diffondersi di una pervasiva cultura del controllo? Questo è l'interrogativo che congiunge il secondo capitolo al terzo, dedicato essenzialmente alla tematizzazione del passaggio dalla sorveglianza moderna alla New Surveillance. Infatti, nella diffusione senza freni dei molteplici dispositivi di sorveglianza si scorge il volto di una nuova società disciplinare. In questa direzione, appare interessante il progetto Big Brother Viewer, che prevede la mappatura delle telecamere di videosorveglianza in numerose città italiane, uno dei simboli più comuni della sorveglianza e del controllo. Una situazione che invita a riflettere sul bisogno diffuso di sicurezza, spesso istituzionalmente indotto. Il lavoro si conclude con un quarto capitolo dedicato alle conseguenze sociali e culturali dei processi descritti nei capitoli precedenti. Si nota che il concetto di sicurezza risulta associato alla paura, talvolta infondata, della criminalità. Una situazione che genera effetti trasformativi sulle abitudini di vita delle persone, sempre più insicure e timorose. Ma ciò che più preoccupa è la paura dell'altro, del "diverso" da "noi", che alimenta la rischiosa deriva del controllo continuo e della volontà di "sorvegliare" e "punire". This thesis work aims to question the social effects and consequences of certain control dynamics in global society. Specifically, it devotes attention to those contradictory aspects in the directions of development of contemporary societies that can be traced back to political-social attitudes characterised by "zero tolerance" which seem to have favoured the affirmation of a pervasive culture of control. The cognitive path is structured in four chapters. In the first one, we proceed to the problematization of globalization processes in the light of the spread of new control policies inspired by the "Zero Tolerance" model in the European and Italian context. In the second chapter, after an historical reconstruction of the concept of social control, there is a reflection on the cultural and social consequences of the development of specific dynamics of punishment in contemporary societies. What is the relationship between the advance of a certain type of globalisation (the reference is to the neoliberal character) and the spread of a pervasive culture of control? This is the question that links the second chapter to the third, which is essentially dedicated to the thematicisation of the transition from modern surveillance to New Surveillance. Indeed, in the unbridled spread of multiple surveillance devices, the face of a new disciplinary society can be seen. In this direction, the Big Brother Viewer project, which involves the mapping of video surveillance cameras in many Italian cities, one of the most common symbols of surveillance and control, appears interesting. A situation that invites reflection on the widespread need for security, often institutionally induced. The work ends with a fourth chapter dedicated to the social and cultural consequences of the processes described in the previous chapters. It is noted that the concept of security is associated with the sometimes unfounded fear of crime. A situation that generates transformative effects on people's increasingly insecure and fearful life habits. But what is most worrying is the fear of the other, of the "different" from "us", which feeds the risky drift of continuous control and the will to "supervise" and "punish".
Considered within the long process through which Milan has become a "city of exhibitions", the "Mostra nazionale delle Arti e dell'Industria" 1881 is of crucial relevance. On that occasion, twenty years after the country's unification, the roaring Excelsior Ball in the background, Milan displayed its self-portrait in the pavilions under the motto "Labor vincit omnia", standing as "moral capital of Italy". Such an ambitious project relied on a series of volumes – Mediolanum (Vallardi), Milano 1881 (Ottino), Milano e i suoi dintorni (Civelli), – offering the radiant image of a close and hard-working community. In this perspective, such a close collaboration between the ruling class and Milan-based intellectuals during the exhibition represented a model: promoted by a state-of-the-art publishing industry, the initiative fostered a synergy between the educated members of society, be them Milan-born or adoptive, who gathered in institutional venues as well as within the "repubblica della carta sporca". Writers and journalists, engineers and economists, technicians and scientists, engravers and artists were all committed to sketch the portrait of the "città più città d'Italia" (Verga). They all stood on the common ground provided by a sound value system, never giving way to bombastic statements, and by the shared interests of a modern civil society: a common ground made firmer by the Enlightenment and Romantic tradition and a Smilesian confidence in positivist culture. Milan's hard-working ethics is well summarized in the slogans of Milanese pride: initiative, inter-class solidarity, lay tolerance and charitable philanthropy; a strong tie to "cose serie, cose sode"; an idea of progress meant as cautious evolution; the promotion of a wide-ranging knowledge able to combine the humanities with "utili cognizioni", strongly suspicious of any kind of abstraction. Common sense, intended as the combination of balance and integrity, was considered as the rule of daily life, while the public sphere was governed by an efficient local government priding itself on being miles away from the idle talk of the political capital. Recovering Cattaneo's motto - "convertire il mondo moderno in mondo nostro" - the "moral capital" rose to the challenge of industrial progress within the European context, against any form of short-sighted and regressive entrenchment.
