Suchergebnisse

Abdel Halim Khaddam, 79, made a remarkable return to the Syrian political scene last November, by creating a new movement, the National Council to Support the Syrian Revolution. After having served the Baathist regime for 35 years, this former Syrian Vice President and Minister of Foreign Affairs broke with the regime and defected in 2005. Taking refuge in Paris, and silenced because of France's efforts to move closer to Damascus, he has once again been able to express himself openly since France began to denounce the repression. In this interview with Isabelle Lasserre, he says that he wants to unite different opposition movements, both within and from outside the country, to facilitate the transition after the fall of Bashar al-Assad. Abdel Halim Khaddam would also like to keep the Muslim Brothers, the main opposition movement, at a distance. In any case, his excellent knowledge of the corridors of power, the Baath party and the army, as well as his ongoing contacts in Syria, give his opinions a certain gravitas in the current crisis. Adapted from the source document.

Après la révolution tunisienne, le processus de transition démocratique a abouti à la formation d'un compromis politique qui a permis au pays d'éviter de sombrer dans la violence. ; Peer reviewed

The two elections of May and June 2012 represented genuine political earthquakes for the Greek party system. The utter collapse of the socialists (PASOK), dramatic drops in the influence of the conservative party (ND) and the upsurge of the radical Left (SYRIZA) are the main features of the new party system, alongside the emergence three more parties, one of them avowedly neo-Nazi. All this is taking place in the background of a glaringly delegitimized political system, indicating a profound crisis of representation. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; Parliament elections of may 2001 have been the last step of a long political transition. Won by Berlusconi, the richestpolitical man and Italian private entrepreneur, leading a centre-right coalition, these election have led to a strong politicalmajority. This article deals with de social and political components of both coalitions. It then explains the reasons of the center-right coalition success, as well as the failure of center-left coalitions and that of the third way attempt, represented by two littleparties which are now marginalized. ; Les élections législatives du 13 mai 2001 a mis un terme à la longue transition politique italienne. Elles ont été remportées par lacoalition de centre-droit, dénommée Casa délie Liberta (Maison des Libertés), dirigée par Silvio Berlusconi, richissimeentrepreneur- homme politique, qui préside désormais un gouvernement issu d'une solide majorité parlementaire. Cet articleprésente la composition sociale et politique de chacun des deux coalitions, explique les raisons du succès du centre-droit,l'échec de la gauche et de la troisième voie, incarnée par deux petits partis aujourd'hui marginalisés

International audience ; Parliament elections of may 2001 have been the last step of a long political transition. Won by Berlusconi, the richestpolitical man and Italian private entrepreneur, leading a centre-right coalition, these election have led to a strong politicalmajority. This article deals with de social and political components of both coalitions. It then explains the reasons of the center-right coalition success, as well as the failure of center-left coalitions and that of the third way attempt, represented by two littleparties which are now marginalized. ; Les élections législatives du 13 mai 2001 a mis un terme à la longue transition politique italienne. Elles ont été remportées par lacoalition de centre-droit, dénommée Casa délie Liberta (Maison des Libertés), dirigée par Silvio Berlusconi, richissimeentrepreneur- homme politique, qui préside désormais un gouvernement issu d'une solide majorité parlementaire. Cet articleprésente la composition sociale et politique de chacun des deux coalitions, explique les raisons du succès du centre-droit,l'échec de la gauche et de la troisième voie, incarnée par deux petits partis aujourd'hui marginalisés

Covers political and economic developments since 1989.

Definition of this ambiguous term by its getting in touch with the concepts of transition to democracy and democratic consolidation ; Définition de ce terme ambigu par sa mise en relation avec les concepts de transition à la démocratie et de consolidation démocratique

Definition of this ambiguous term by its getting in touch with the concepts of transition to democracy and democratic consolidation ; Définition de ce terme ambigu par sa mise en relation avec les concepts de transition à la démocratie et de consolidation démocratique

Czech society, as well as other post-communist societies, can be characterised as a transitional society; since the collapse of the communist system, a new social system has tended to be built. It is true that that characterisation does not constitute a 'discovery' and is not original; however, it is not useless, although it can remind us that, contrary to the well-known historical conditions of the birth and the new development of that social system, not all of us are familiar with its fundamental characteristics. The fact remains, however, that the plans for social transformation, in so far as they have not sufficiently translated into concrete realities, do not yet in themselves determine the aims of the social system — although objective development trends seem to be moving in the same direction. Between the objective pursued and reality, there is always, as a matter of principle, a space of uncertainty, which cannot simply be circumvented or erased. This area of uncertainty is all the more important when it comes to a transition from one social system to another. In this article, the author thus seeks to show that in Central Europe the character of the new democratic political systems is more strongly determined in the political sphere than in the economic sphere. ; International audience ; Czech society, as well as other post-communist societies, can be characterised as a transitional society; since the collapse of the communist system, a new social system has tended to be built. It is true that that characterisation does not constitute a 'discovery' and is not original; however, it is not useless, although it can remind us that, contrary to the well-known historical conditions of the birth and the new development of that social system, not all of us are familiar with its fundamental characteristics. The fact remains, however, that the plans for social transformation, in so far as they have not sufficiently translated into concrete realities, do not yet in themselves determine the aims of the social system ...

Article of the 1997 Central and Eastern European Scoreboard ; Article du Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 1997