Suchergebnisse

For a majority of observers, the political reality of the North Korea system is today divided into two potential scenarios: reform or collapse. These two readings are the basis element of the North Korea conundrum referred to a fundamental debate on the choice of the political option confronting to such a regime: dialogue or military option. Above these two binary notations, an alternative analysis is emerging on the fact that perhaps the North Korean leadership is building the conditions of a political transition based on the liability of an economical reform. The main problem lies in the capabilities of the regime to reform itself. In the absence of an ideological aggiornamento, as China did, the North Korean regime is condemned to sink. Adapted from the source document.

Italian Parliament elections of May 2001 have been the last step of a long political transition. Won by Berlusconi, the richest political man & Italian private entrepreneur, leading a center-right coalition, these elections have led to a strong political majority. This article deals with the social & political components of both coalitions. It then explains the reasons of the center-right coalition success, as well as the failure of center-left coalitions & that of the third way attempt, represented by two little parties which are now marginalized. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The analysis represents sociological reflection about the contemporary religion and social conflicts in their most violent form. It is based upon the tragic vicissitudes of the crisis in former Yugoslavia having exploded in a cruel war. The course of events is approached as something having been easily predictable, and deeply embedded in the modern European political and social history, and, therefore, with high symptomatic relevance, to be interpreted not primarily as a kind of tail of the world of the XIXth century but as an extreme case of some current trends of wider dimensions. The war is interpreted as the almost unavoidable consequence of political strategies pursuing the same but diametrically opposed political objectives, best described by Mazzini's political formula "Every nation a state and only one state for every nation" or Gellner's sociological one "One nation, one culture, one state". Therefore, the crucial problem becomes the problem of the role of religion and churches in an area with mixed populations but dominated by opposed nationalism. The theoretical framework for interpretation of nationalist political strategies is taken from Gellner as well as from Offe. The crucial fact is that the nationalist political strategies or the ethnicification of politics have obtained not only mass support on the part of believers and belongers to the respective religious comunities but also their specific legitimacy in religious terms. Some major consequences of such a legitimization of nationalist political strategies are traced and described on three different levels and settings: a) a general level, b) a long range historical one, and c) a transitional one. The crucial conclusions arrived at are that an expected spiritual re-awakening focused upon a restoration of personal moral consciousness and renewed interest in spirituality and spiritual tradition has been practically inundated by a tidal wave of nationalization of the sacred and sacralization of the nation. Therefore, the most extensive religious revival has occured so far alongside to nationalist movements.

Avec une demande d'énergie en plein essor et des émissions de carbone en hausse, l'Indonésie a placé la transition énergétique et l'accès à l'énergie durable en priorité de ses projets de développement. Pourtant, ces objectifs peuvent souvent être contradictoires pendant leur mise en œuvre. Avec des taux d'électrification à la traîne d'autres pays de la région d'Asie du Sud-Est (83 % de taux d'électrification en 2014), et un ensemble unique de barrières à l'électrification rurale ainsi qu'une interconnexion de transmission en tant qu'archipel, l'Indonésie a un long chemin à parcourir en termes de réalisation de ses objectifs. Cet article examine les interventions du gouvernement indonésien pour surmonter les obstacles, accélérer le développement des énergies renouvelables et accroître l'accès à l'énergie. Dans le contexte des tensions entre l'électrification rurale et le développement des énergies renouvelables, le rôle des acteurs sub-nationaux et des agences de développement bilatérales et multilatérales pour influencer le développement de l'énergie sont les principales variables étudiées dans ce document. L'étude de cas de l'Indonésie fournit des informations importantes sur les tensions entre l'accès à l'énergie et l'équité énergétique et les priorités en matière de développement durable dans un contexte de pays en développement.

A comparative analysis of political transitions in Morocco and Tunisia reveals that even though the king remains the key player of the political system, change is nevertheless real in Morocco. Taking advantage of the new area of freedom granted by a period of openness - however strategic - and by the contagious effect of the upheavals in neighbouring countries, the new forms of protest and the expectations of Moroccans are radically different today. In Tunisia, despite the revolution, the break with the past is far from being radical. The transition is conducted in reference to 'the spirit and the values of the revolution' while keeping many institutions and practices from the past. In spite of all this, the dynamics of a real and profound change is definitively underway. Adapted from the source document.

A set of articles analyzing transitions to democracy is introduced. The origin & evolution of the discipline of transitology are surveyed. The diversity of transitional experiences has called for adjustments to analytical models. The articles -- focusing of Chilean & Eastern European cases -- are abstracted. E. Taylor

Archives and constructing the act of forgetting in political transitions

In situations of political transition following a period of violence or repression, the State can choose between refusing a difficult past or constructing the act of forgetting through several institutional means. Amongst these means, archives hold an essential place as they crystallise several functions : a probationary function in criminal proceedings against offenders of human rights and the process of awarding compensation to victims, and a function of witnessing history (the history of a nation and also myriad individual histories). The stakes are high and dictate their fate (destruction, manipulation, restricted access). As such, control of the archives is necessary. Such control is a delicate matter on a national level due to the heterogeneous nature of internal legislation, and is taken up within emerging international standards, linked to transitional justice, such as the right to know and the right to truth.

Examines difficulties in Albania's transition from communism to free enterprise, since 1990; stagnant economy, political and institutional instability, and ethnic problems. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 445 and 459.

Italian Parliament elections of may 2001 have been the last step of a long political transition. Won by Berlusconi, the richest political man and Italian private entrepreneur, leading a centre-right coalition, these election have led to a strong political majority. This article deals with de social and political components of both coalitions. It then explains the reasons of the center-right coalition success, as well as the failure of center-left coalitions and that of the third way attempt, represented by two little parties which are now marginalized.

Abdel Halim Khaddam, 79, made a remarkable return to the Syrian political scene last November, by creating a new movement, the National Council to Support the Syrian Revolution. After having served the Baathist regime for 35 years, this former Syrian Vice President and Minister of Foreign Affairs broke with the regime and defected in 2005. Taking refuge in Paris, and silenced because of France's efforts to move closer to Damascus, he has once again been able to express himself openly since France began to denounce the repression. In this interview with Isabelle Lasserre, he says that he wants to unite different opposition movements, both within and from outside the country, to facilitate the transition after the fall of Bashar al-Assad. Abdel Halim Khaddam would also like to keep the Muslim Brothers, the main opposition movement, at a distance. In any case, his excellent knowledge of the corridors of power, the Baath party and the army, as well as his ongoing contacts in Syria, give his opinions a certain gravitas in the current crisis. Adapted from the source document.

The two elections of May and June 2012 represented genuine political earthquakes for the Greek party system. The utter collapse of the socialists (PASOK), dramatic drops in the influence of the conservative party (ND) and the upsurge of the radical Left (SYRIZA) are the main features of the new party system, alongside the emergence three more parties, one of them avowedly neo-Nazi. All this is taking place in the background of a glaringly delegitimized political system, indicating a profound crisis of representation. Adapted from the source document.