Suchergebnisse

Autorica se bavi stanjem komparativne politike, a posljedično i političke znanosti uopće, u Hrvatskoj četvrt stoljeća nakon početka političke transformacije. Glavne uzroke njihova nezavidna statusa u međunarodnoj politološkoj zajednici vidi u selekcijskoj pristranosti u komparativnim istraživanjima i podrazvijenosti discipline. U prvom dijelu teksta općenito razmatra problem selekcijske pristranosti kao jedne od najčešćih i najpogubnijih grešaka u komparativnim istraživanjima. Prirodna pristranost očituje se u odabiru samo poznatih i dostupnih slučajeva, a neprirodna u "odabiru koji se provodi na ovisnoj varijabli", to jest u izboru samo onih slučajeva koji potvrđuju polazne hipoteze i isključivanju onih koji ih dovode u pitanje ili ih opovrgavaju. U drugom dijelu autorica ilustrira selekcijsku pristranost u transformacijskim istraživanjima i regionalnoj komparatistici na primjeru Hrvatske. Uzroke prirodne pristranosti vidi u tome što strani komparatisti ne poznaju jezik, povijest i politiku zemlje. Ona je umnogome posljedica large-nation biasa, to jest usredotočenosti istraživača na velike i moćne zemlje, i historiografskog biasa, to jest njihova oslanjanja na selektivne historiografske izvore podataka. Neprirodna pristranost izraz je metodoloških problema u dizajniranju komparativnih istraživanja, najčešće neopravdanog precjenjivanja jednih, a podcjenjivanja drugih varijabli, što znatno utječe na rezultate istraživanja. Naposljetku se osvrće na uzroke podrazvijenosti komparativne politike u Hrvatskoj. ; The author deals with the state of comparative politics in Croatia, and the state of political science more generally, a quarter of a century after the beginning of political transformation. Selective bias in comparative research and underdevelopment of the discipline are diagnosed as the main causes of its unimpressive status in the International community of political scientists. The first part of the article discusses in more general terms the problem of selective bias as one of the most widespread, but also most dangerous mistakes in comparative research. Natural bias is reflected in the choice of only known and available cases, while unnatural bias involves choice only of the cases that confirm the starting hypotheses and exclude those that question or repudiate the hypotheses. In the second part, the author illustrates the selective bias in research of political transformation and regional comparative politics using Croatia as an example. The main cause of natural bias has to do with the fact that many comparativists are unfamiliar with the language, history and politics of the country. This is largely due to large-nation bias and Reliance on selective historical data. Unnatural bias reflects methodological problems in designing research in comparative politics, most often in emphasizing one set of variables at the expense of another, which affects the results of research. In the concluding part, the article deals with the causes of underdevelopment of comparative politics in Croatia.

The scope of this study is comprehensive, extending from technological development to historical evolution of planning in energy sector. On policy, the current situation of the national context was clarified, including reforms and programs that characterized the industry in the last two decades. The adherence of Brazilian policy to the evolution of the energy and climate policies at the international level was obtained with the examination of more than ten countries and with the chronological comparison of the regulatory framework in Brazil, the United States and the European Union. The most interesting, however, was to see how planning and policy can be shaped by technical progress, albeit belatedly. This finding followed the examination of the technological dimension, divided in twelve branches of energy generation, which allowed a glimpse of the diversity of alternatives, as well as the real chances of achieving truly sustainable technologies.

Bugarsko-hrvatski politički odnosi jedna su od relativno slabo istraženih tema unatoč povijesnoj, zemljopisnoj i jezičnoj bliskosti dvaju naroda. Cilj je ovoga rada istražiti veze između Bugara i Hrvata nakon početka demokratskih promjena u dvjema zemljama, od 1990. do danas, s naglaskom na njihov politički aspekt. U tom će smislu članak prikazati veze među vođama dviju zemalja, njihove bilateralne susrete, teme od zajedničkoga interesa, uzajamne inicijative, diplomatska nastojanja, postignute dogovore i geste dobre volje. Prikaz tih aktivnosti pokazuje da su bugarsko-hrvatski odnosi bili saveznički i prijateljski. U tekstu su korišteni arhivski i službeni dokumenti različitih institucija, izvori objavljeni u medijima kao i razgovori s protagonistima događaja. ; Bulgarian-Croatian political relations date back to the creation of the two states. Bulgaria and Croatia are bound by historical, geographical, linguistic, and last but not least political ties. This article examines the political relations between Bulgarians and Croats over a 25-year period – from the beginning of the democratic changes in 1990 to 2015. The analysis shows that, throughout this period, despite the ruling ideological paradigm in Sofia and Zagreb, the relations between the two countries were filled with goodwill, partnerships, mutual support, and formal and informal gestures. Such good cooperation manifested most clearly in moments of crisis for the two states – the wars in the early 1990s in former Yugoslavia, the crisis involving the Bulgarian medical workers in Libya, the recognition of Kosovo, the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, and others. The bilateral relations of these countries on the highest political level have become extremely intense after the beginning of the 21st century. The relations that developed when both countries were on the road to membership in the EU and NATO, and after both became members of these two organizations, serve to deepen the political ties between Bulgaria and Croatia.

Nakon raspada SSSR-a 1991.godine, zemlje Južnog Kavkaza našle su se pred novim izazovom: stvaranjem neovisne države sa svim svojim institucijama. Bez, ili s vrlo malo prethodnog demokratskog iskustva, sve su se tri južnokavkaske države suočile s tranzicijom koja se ne može nazvati demokratskom. U ovom radu problematizira se institucija predsjednika države koja je igrala iznenađujuće veliku ulogu u stvaranju političkog režima i institucija kakve danas postoje u Azerbajdžanu, Gruziji i Armeniji. S obzirom da je politička povijest ovih zemalja vrlo slična, zanimljivo je promatrati kako su, i zbog kojih razloga, izgradile svoje političke režime. Nalazeći se na poprištu različitih političkih utjecaja i s azijske i s europske strane, ove države usvojile su ponešto iz oba svijeta: demokratske elemente sa zapada i autokratske elemente s istoka. Iako je prošlo skoro 30 godina od osamostaljenja, uloga predsjednika države u kreiranju državne politike snažnija je nego u mnogim europskim zemljama koje su prošle demokratsku tranziciju. ; After the dissolution of USSR in the 1991, countries of South Caucasus face new challenges: making of independent state with all of its institutions. Without, or with very little previous democratic experience, all three of Soutcaucasian countries faced a transition that cannot be called democratic. This thesis delas with the institution of state's president who played an amazingly important role in creating political regimes and institutions that exist in Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia today. Given that the political history of these countries is very similar, it is interesting to observe how, and for what reason, these countries built their political regimes. Faced with variety of political influences from both Asian and European sides, these countries have adopted somewhat of both worlds: democratic elements from the West and autocratic elements from the East. Although nearly 30 years have passed since their independence, the role of the state's president in creation of state policies is ...

Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.

Pusic's Democracy and Dictatorship. Political Transition in Croatia and Southeastern Europe (1998) comprises five essays published by the author separately during the 1990s, covering the areas of the history of political ideas, descriptive theory of democracy, & the theory of democratic transition. They are written in an eclectic style mixing political essay with scientific dissertation, which impedes the reading & analysis of the whole work. Pusic also fails to clearly state her methodological approach; her methodology cannot be characterized as institutional analysis, analysis of the action of political actors, or policy analysis. The lack of a clearly defined methodological-analytic approach is the main cause of her failure to account for the diversity in transitions from communist to democratic regimes in the various countries of the former Soviet bloc. Pusic uses a variety of terms & notions that she does not define, & also has difficulties with differentiating institutional arrangements & political regimes. The description of transition processes in individual countries is inaccurate, & the interpretation of the radicalization & militarization of the Serbian movement in Croatia at the beginning of the 1990s is whimsical. The book cannot be recommended as a respectable contribution to the theory of transition. 10 References. Z. Dubiel

"Return to democracy was never the desired outcome of Brazil's military government despite its initiation of the abertura. Sallum argues that this dynamic political transition is the result of the country's relations in the international sphere, internal economic processes, and the democratization of society. Recommended"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

Autorica daje prikaz demokratizacije Gvatemale tijekom trećeg vala te analizira promjene vlada, režima i sustava. Navodi da je početku promjene političkog sustava Gvatemale prethodila faza predautokratskih iskustava s demokracijom (1944-1954) te da je nesposobnost da okonča dugotrajni građanski rat bio jedan od ključnih razloga početka kraja autoritarnog sustava (1954-1985). Uslijedila je prolongirana tranzicija (1985-1999) koja se odvijala u četiri faze i koju je nadgledala vojska, preuzevši na taj način ulogu snažnog protudemokratskog aktera veta. U fazi konsolidacije (2000-2012) stabilizirala se defektna demokracija, u kojoj je civilni demokratski režim ne samo pod pokroviteljstvom vojske već ga ugrožavaju i kriminalne organizacije. Zaključuje da se u proteklih stotinjak godina politička situacija u Gvatemali i nije znatno poboljšala s obzirom na to da je ona od banana-države postala defektna i najnekvalitetnija demokracija Latinske Amerike. ; The author provides an outline of Guatemala's democratization during the Third Wave, and analyses turnovers of governments, regimes and systems. She argues that the beginning of the change of Guatemala's political system was preceded by a stage of pre-autocratic experiences with democracy (1944-1954), and that the inability to end the long-lasting civil war was one of the key reasons for the beginning of the end of the authoritarian system (1954-1985). What followed was a prolonged transition (1985-1999) that proceeded in four stages and was supervised by the army which, in this way, assumed the role of a strong antidemocratic veto player. In the stage of consolidation (2000-2012) a defective democracy has been stabilized, in which the civilian democratic regime is not only under the patronage of the army, but is also threatened by criminal organizations. The author concludes that during the last hundred years or so the political situation in Guatemala has not improved significantly, since it has turned from a banana republic into a defective and the most substandard democracy in Latin America.

Kineska komunistička partija (KPK) dominira političkom scenom Kine kao stub jednopartijskog sistema od 1949. godine, odnosno konstituisanja Narodne Republike Kine, pa sve do danas. Iako se ekonomski sistem današnje Kine umnogome razlikuje od onoga što se podrazumijeva pod komunističkim sistemom, KPK je zadržala komunističku retoriku koju vješto prilagođava novom ekonomskom modelu. Takođe, sam način vladanja je doživio određene promjene. Najznačajnija je svakako prelazak s vladavine jakih lidera na sistem kolektivnog liderstva. Sama tranzicija u vrhu partije je institucionalizirana i predstavlja jedan kompleksan način promjene vladajuće strukture, koji se posljednjih godina dešava mirnim putem. Iako ga mnogi smatraju za posljednjeg apsolutnog lidera KPK-a, Deng Xiaoping je uveo reforme koje su bile esencijalne za pojavu kolektivnog liderstva. Naime, on je bio inicijator dviju značajnih reformi koje su povele Kinu u tom pravcu. Jedna je svakako usvajanje penzijskog sistema za čitavu administraciju, a prije svega za lidere, te uvođenje limita od dva mandata za sve glavne funkcije. Ovakav način vladanja sprječava pojavu jakog lidera i pojavu diktature. Iako sistem ima svojih mana, on Kinu čini predvidivom silom u kojoj se važne odluke donose konsenzusom među raznim frakcijama u partiji. ; The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has maintained control over the Chinese political system since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949. Although the Chinese economic system has experienced a drastic change, passing from socialist to more market-oriented economy, the CCP maintained the communist rhetoric that has been adapted to a new reality. Though the political system suffered significant modifications, it never made a U-turn towards liberal democracy. Yet, the most important reform is the transition from a country ruled by a strong leader, to what has been called a collective leadership. Accordingly, the leadership transition has been somehow institutionalized and became a complex process, which is happening in a peaceful way, avoiding major political turbulences. Deng Xiaoping, even though he could be indicated as the last absolute leader of China, promoted the reforms that eventually led to creation of collective leadership and a peaceful leadership transition. The most important aspects were the implementation of the pension system for administration and the top leadership positions, and the establishment of a maximum of two terms in office for all major positions in the country. The collective leadership prevents the possibility of a one-man show and the creation of a dictatorship. Although the system has its discrepancies, it makes PR China a predictable power in which the consensus-based decisionmaking process is intended to avoid struggles among various fractions and leaders in the Party.

The making of a Constitution is a fundamental process towards the development of a post-conflict State, the peaceful coexistence of its citizens and, in the end, to guaranty the social cohesion & reconciliation, as well as a lasting & sustainable peace. The present article focuses on the relevance of the politico-constitutional dimension as a statebuilding element, analyzing the inherent dilemmas & perversities that may result from the intervention of external actors. The lessons that may be learned from the case of Iraq are relevant in order to identify the limits from external assistance on the making of a Constitution within a post-conflict political transition process, as well as the areas in which it can be optimized. This article argues that the intervention by external actors can be constructive if marginal or even partial at a low intensity level. Adapted from the source document.

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

Transition theories have become increasingly important in the fields of political science & international relations & are crucial to explain the path towards democracy in Portugal. This case is part of the broader study of democratization & the multiple variables of those processes of democratic transition are used to analyze the internal & external dimensions of the Portuguese political process since 1974. Adapted from the source document.

Croatia is the only postcommunist country in which the process of democratic transition coincided with the process of creating the state by means of a war. These three processes are in a special interaction: the transition enabled the realization of the state-building program, which triggered off the war, which, in turn, jeopardized the completion of both projects. The author illustrates the dynamics of the political changes in Croatia since the 1980s, which started with the liberalization of political life & continued with two stages of democratic transition, before & after gaining independence. The Serbian insurgency &, later, open aggression have somewhat hampered the transition & brought about the "ethnification"of politics. In closing, the author analyzes the pattern of the creation of democratic institutions, which has been, in both stages (before & after the 1990 elections), under the control of the ruling political party. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

Prednosti komunikacije te lakšu dostupnost ciljnih javnost preko društvenih mreža prepoznale su i političke elite te su, osim tradicionalnih oblika komunikacije, političku komunikaciju obogatile društvenim medijima. Dominantna društvena mreža u Hrvatskoj je Facebook, iako nemali broj osoba iz javnoga života koristi i Twitter kao sredstvo komunikacije. Premda se raspravlja jesu li društveni mediji unaprijedili demokraciju ili je ugrozili, činjenica je da je ta platforma omogućila transparentniju i dostupniju komunikaciju koja zasigurno utječe na izgradnju imidža pojedinaca i institucija iz političke arene, kojima je takav oblik komunikacije omogućio i izgradnju vlastite virtualne zajednice. Struktura rada sastoji se od nekoliko većih cjelina i pripadajućih podcjelina. Razlike koje su uočene istraživanjem upućuju na to da su institucije, dakle ministarstva, u Sloveniji u daleko većoj mjeri prisutna u viralnome prostoru nego li je to slučaj u Hrvatskoj. Gledaju li se sami nositelji javne vlasti, ministri, oni su u Hrvatskoj, za razliku od Slovenije, prisutniji sa svojim službenim Facebook stranicama. Takvi rezultati, iako znakoviti, ne upućuju na to da se u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji komunikacija na digitalnim platformama koristi u svrhu političkoga diskursa ili u cilju informiranja ključnih aktera te posljedično kreiranja javnoga mišljenja o nekome političkom pitanju ; With the development of the Internet, as the fastest growing media, social networks have evolved, as well as everyday communication on these platforms. Benefits communication and easier access to the target public and has been recognized by the political elites and are, in addition to traditional forms of communication, political communication enriched communication on social media. The dominant social network in Croatia is Facebook, although not a small number of public life uses Twitter as a means of communication. Despite the numerous controversy over whether or not the social media have upgraded or threatened democracy, the fact is that this platform has enabled a more transparent and accessible communication that certainly has an impact on building the image of individuals and institutions from the political arena, which has made this form of communication possible to build a virtual community . The structure of the work consists of several larger entities and corresponding subdivisions. The first part of the work is based on theoretical insights. Minorizing the transition theory and democratization of post-communist societies, the theoretical part of the work also deals with civic participation and culture. All these transversal processes for three decades have also influenced the modification of communication, from top to bottom, therefore, towards citizens, from citizens to the public authorities. Therefore, political communication on social networks as well as social networks as a tool for creating a positive image in public relations will be treated theoretically. The second part of the deconstruction process is the presence of Croatian and Slovenian ministries, as a public authority institution and ministers on Facebook's social network. Compilation and descriptor methods, theoretical perspectives are dissected using relevant sources, while in the second part, the descriptive statistics method deconstructs the results obtained by research. Using the illustrations and the comparison method, the results are compared. At the end of the paper, the conclusion is based on theoretical strengths and results obtained.

Ovaj članak nastoji prikazati na istraživanju utemeljeno razumijevanje uloge medija u tranzicijskim zemljama. Naše se istraživanje fokusira na procese političke socijalizacije, na političko ponašanje i vjerodostojnost te daje primjere iz triju regija: središnje i istočne Europe, Latinske Amerike te Bliskog istoka i sjeverne Afrike. Pozornost smo skrenuli na neke od glavnih radova relevantnih za studije masovnih medija u tranzicijskom kontekstu s ciljem uvida u važne teorije dostupne u studijama o medijima i demokratizaciji. Svjesni ograničenja koja postavlja priroda i opseg uzorka pregledanih studija, identificirali smo i raspravili neke od potencijalnih ključnih prepreka razvoju teorije o političkoj socijalizaciji, političkom ponašanju i vjerodostojnosti u navedenim područjima te predložili alternativne pristupe u istraživanju. ; This article seeks to compile an empirically-based understanding of the role of media in countries in transition. The study focuses on the processes of political socialization, behaviour and accountability, and gives examples from three regions: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East/North Africa region. We draw on some of the major works relevant to the study of mass media in these transitional contexts with the aim of discerning emergent theories available to the study of media and democratisation. While aware of the limitations posed by the nature and scope of the sample of the studies reviewed, we do identify and discuss some of the potentially key obstacles to theory-building and propose some alternative paths of enquiry.