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Renewable energy policies have experienced significant evolution over the past few decades around the world. Regarding US experience in this area, both the federal and state governments were quite active in encouraging the transition to clean energy. Over the past decades, a lot of research has been done in this area. However, the existing literature deals mainly with the economic, political, and technical aspects of the transition to clean energy. At the same time, political dynamics received little attention. To understand the political dynamics of the energy transition (in this case, the United States), it is necessary to conduct detailed studies of federal and state policies. This article is devoted to the study of how decisions are made in the field of transition to clean energy, namely, the policy regarding one low-carbon technology - biofuel. For this technology, it was traced how the political agenda, actors, and institutions influenced the adoption and development of two programs: federal excise tax exemptions and the Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS).

Acta Slavica Estonica is an international series of publications on current issues of Russian and other Slavic languages, literatures and cultures. This volume is part of the subseries Studia Russica Helsingiensia et Tartuensia, XIV, and unites scholars from Estonia, Finland, Russia, Ukraine, Germany, and Canada who belong to the tradition of the Tartu Lotman school. This collective monograph explores the development of national myth on the basis of a variety of materials from Russian culture, beginning from the Late Middle Ages and finishing with the Soviet epoch. The main part of the study is devoted to the Imperial period — the epoch during which the notion of nation arises. Analyzing the mechanisms used to construct national ideology, the authors especially stress the participation of literature and art in nation building: the role of the press, theatre, writers and their works in their dependence upon historical matters and political conjuncture.

This article analyzes the intemational dimension of the Spanish transition to democracy. Were the European powers - France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Great Britain - simple witnesses to the events in Spain or did they actively participate, and, ifso, how? From consultation ofarchives om the various countries, it is now known that the gove ents and political parties of these countries were more closely involved than was previously thought. The Portuguese revolution in April 1974 raised the alann and the Western chancelleries tried to prevent the same thing happening in Spain. They opted for the monarchical solution and r a "controlled" process to democracy, using the much-desired entyr into the European Community to exert pressure. The need to feel "European" and "standardized" sur ced, especially in progressive circles, although not only there. Outside Europe there were more di culties to do business a d the most ad­ vanced sectors ofthe Spanish business world started to become aware ofth1s.

Commonplace notions about policy and politicians perio-dically undergoes radical changes which have a character of «phase transitions» from one state to another. These transitions are demonstrated in new language units of mainly defamatory character. In a turn of the XX–XXI centuries devaluation of the concepts «democracy» and «liberalism» was reflected especi-ally distinctly in changes of a Russian vocabulary. ; Представления «наивного сознания» о политике и политиках периодически претерпевает радикальные изменения, которые носят характер «фазовых переходов» от одного состояния к другому. Эти переходы находят отражение в новых языковых единицах преимущественно диффамационного характера. Особенно ярко на рубеже XX–XXI веков в изменениях русской лексики отразилась девальвация понятий «демократия» и «либерализм».

The article describes the main concepts of the Russian political discourse - "politika (policy)", "vlast' (power)", "ideologiya (ideology)". The author specially notes the integrative nature of the study which occupies a position on the borderline between linguistics, psychology, philosophy and politology. This fact makes it necessary to employ not only explanatory but also encyclopedic, politological and philosophical dictionaries. The study analyzes the concepts in the light of the cognitive approach which defines them as operation units of memory, mental lexicon, conceptual system and "brain language" and the holistic worldview, or as knowledge quanta. Conceptual analysis presupposes several stages: semantic analysis of a word in accordance with the data found in explanatory dictionaries; analysis of the term whose history and usage variability are reflected in special purpose dictionaries; transition to the level of conceptosphere demanding synthesis of the data previously obtained taking into account sociocultural peculiarities. ; В статье рассматриваются основные концепты политического дискурса в рамках когнитивного подхода.

The purpose of the article is to understand the criticism of the transition period in the post-Soviet space (1990–2000), which can be found in the works of Vladimir Fours, as well as to discuss the concept of com-municative political pathology, which is expressed in language distortions, instrumentalization of consciousness, deformations of public conscious-ness and publicity, and social irresponsibility of the authorities. Fours's philosophy is based on the study and interpretation of the ideals of ration-ality, Marxist criticism of political economy and critical theory in a broad sense, so his work is compared with some of the judgments of M. Mamar-dashvili, T. Adorno, J. Habermas, K. Castoriadis and other authors. Com-paring the theory of rationality ideals and critical theory, which analyzes not only reasonable statements, but also the unconscious, the imaginary and its production, allows us to understand the attitude of philosophy to the political reality of the transition period and later periods, as well as to analyze examples of communicative pathology in public and regulatory decisions of the authorities. Analysis of the pathologies of the Soviet and post-Soviet public and hegemonic discourses allows us to shed light on what is happening today, especially in Belarus in 2020 ; Filosofijos katedra ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

In Russian historiography there are few articles investigating the problem of Japan's economic development during the Tokugawa period from 1602 to 1867. However, both the Russian and Western researchers covering the long Tokugawa period of more than 250 years, paid little attention to the bakumatsu period from 1853 to 1868. In terms of political history, the bakumatsu years are significant for the ending of the Tokugawa's military government. However, from the economic viewpoint, a wide range of problems had accumulated and they became more evident due to the opening of the Japanese market for international trade. This caused dramatic changes in the country's economic development trends. This article presents a comprehensive review of the social and economic characteristics of Japan's development during the bakumatsu period that triggered Japan's economic recovery and entailed industrialization in the country.

The particular attention in the paper is paid to the analysis of evolution of party system of Kenya from its pre-independence stage to current situation. Key significance of the ethnic factor in the Kenyan politics is disclosed including its implications in the Constitution of Kenya. Central part of the paper is devoted to the details of the transition from the one-party authoritarian regime under Presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Moi to the multiparty democratic political process under Presidents Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta. Some light is shed on the role of political opposition in the establishment of current political system of Kenya and also on the specific features of Kenyan party system development. Extreme importance of ethnic mobilization in the electoral process as well as in the functioning of the main governmental institutions is stressed. Current political situation in the country is described in the final part of the paper. Keywords: Kenya, evolution of political system, political parties, parliament, ethnic-based politics, constitution, elections. ; Основное внимание в статье уделено анализу эволюции партийной и политической системы современной Кении, начиная с этапа, предшествовавшего обретению независимости от Великобритании, до настоящего времени. Подробно раскрывается ключевое значение этнического фактора в кенийской политике, в том числе через призму различных положений конституции страны. Анализируется переход Кении от однопартийного авторитарного режима при президентах Дж. Кениатте и Д. Мои к многопартийности и демократическому политическому процессу при президентах М. Кибаки и У. Кениатте. Раскрывается роль оппозиции в формировании современной политической системы Кении, а также показываются особенности кенийского партийного строительства. Подчеркивается исключительно высокое значение этнической мобилизации как в электоральном процессе, так и в функционировании основных государственных институтов. В завершение статьи дается характеристика текущей политической ситуации в стране.Ключевые слова: Кения, эволюция политической системы, политические партии, парламент, этнополитика, конституция, выборы.

как отмечает автор ; в конце XIX в. в условиях обострения борьбы капиталистических держав за влияние в Корее и нестабильности внутриполитической обстановки ван Коджон вместе с наследником престола укрылся на территории российской дипломатической миссии в Сеуле ; откуда стал осуществлять управление государством. В статье приводится анализ событий ; предшествовавших переходу корейского правителя в российское дипломатическое представительство ; а также предпринимается попытка оценки этого происшествия и выявления его влияния на российско-корейские отношения. ; the author points out that in the late XIX century in a sharpening of capitalist powers struggle for influence in Korea and unstable political situation van Gojong along with the heir to the throne had taken refuge in the territory of Russian diplomatic mission in Seoul ; where he managed to fulfill the state administration. The article provides an analysis of the events that preceded the transition of Korean ruler to Russian diplomatic mission ; as well as an attempts to assess the incident and to identify its impact on Russian-Korean relations.

The article analyzes how the problems of democratic transition are presented in modern textbooks on the history of Russia. The relevance of the problem under study is determined primarily by the importance of history textbooks for constructing a memory policy. At the same time, attention is drawn to insufficient coverage in the modern historiography of the transformations of the 1990s that is an important period of historical development. Presentation of Russian history in 1992-1999 in textbooks has been analyzed in comparison with expert evaluations of economists, sociologists and political scientists. The authors conclude that there are different interpretations of the problems of post-Soviet democratic transition in textbooks for the 10th grade on the history of Russia. In particular, in one textbook 1990s completely correspond to the current image of the "likhie 90s" (the hard 90s). In another one it is not only a time of great difficulties, but also an era of hopes and opportunities. But these differences are leveled, when economic and political development of the country at this time is appeared mainly in negative interpretation in the frame of the subsequent 2000s, which are presented as a time of success. ; В статье анализируется то, как проблематика демократического транзита представлена в современных учебниках по истории России. Актуальность исследуемой проблемы определяется в первую очередь значимостью учебников истории для конструирования политики памяти. При этом обращается внимание на недостаточное освещение в современной историографии преобразований 1990-х гг. - важного периода исторического развития. Презентация истории России в 1992-1999 гг. в учебниках анализируется в сравнении с экспертными оценками экономистов, социологов и политологов. Авторы приходят к выводу, что о единстве трактовок проблематики постсоветского демократического транзита в учебниках для 10 класса по истории России говорить не приходится. В частности, в одном учебнике 1990-е гг. вполне соответствуют бытующему образу «лихих 90-х», в другом - это не только время больших трудностей, но и эпоха надежд и возможностей. Но эти отличия нивелируются, социально-экономическое и политическое развитие страны в это время предстает в большей степени в негативных тонах на фоне последующих 2000-х гг., которые подаются как череда успехов.

Th e transition of the Narodniks to the terrorist tactics is still a very debatable issue in Russian historiography. One of the pioneers of the terrorist direction was V.A. Ossinsky (1852–1879). Th e Executive Committee of the Rus-sian Social-Revolutionary Party (henceforth EC RSRP) was established on his initiative in the spring of 1878. Th e history of this revolutionary group, which was active throughout the South of Russia in 1878 and early 1879, has not yet been suffi ciently studied, although it heralded the transition of most of the revolution-ary Narodniks to political struggle, including terror. Th e purpose of this study is to reconstruct the previously little-known or completely unknown pages of the history of the EC RSRP, its structure and composition. Th e author examines politi-cal views of V.A. Ossinsky and his entourage, contacts of the members of the EC RSRP with other opposition movements in Little Russia, including liberals and representatives of the Gromada, the eff ectiveness of the EC RSRP and its infl u-ence on the administrative spheres of the South of Russia. He concludes that the transition of the part of Narodniks to political terror in the late 1870s occurred largely due to the lawless and repressive policy of the authorities and the radicals' awareness of the futility of peaceful ways of struggle. Th e systematic use of terror-ism by the EC RCRP together with an active propaganda campaign and other acts of defi ance against the authorities (armed resistance during arrests, proclamation campaign, jailbreaks, organization of demonstrations and riots, etc.) made this organization truly dangerous in the eyes of the government. Th e actions of the EC RSRP and the very death of V.A. Ossinsky had a signifi cant impact on the future of the entire Russian revolutionary movement. Th e EC RSRP was in fact a forerun-ner of the Executive Committee of the Narodnaya Volya, which subsequently car-ried out the assassination of Emperor Alexander II, and its activity undoubtedly infl uence the fate of the Russian monarchy.

Цель настоящего исследования – анализ и количественное оценивание влияния институциональных факторов на политическое доверие различным уровням власти (федеральной, региональной и местной) в современной России. Данные и методы. Исследование основано на микроданных опроса Европейского банка реконструкции и развития (ЕБРР) «Мониторинг уровня жизни домохозяйств/индивидов в развитых, переходных и развивающихся странах» (LiTS – Life in Transition Survey). В качестве институциональных факторов доверия нами рассматривались воспринимаемая эффективность и коррупционность органов власти, а также уровень межличностного доверия. Дополнительной объясняющей переменной стал субъективный дециль богатства домохозяйств. Для оценивания параметров модели использовались линейные регрессии с инструментальными переменными. Результаты и их применение. Во-первых, нами было установлено, что в 2016 году главной детерминантой доверия российских граждан президенту была воспринимаемая эффективность действий федерального правительства. В то же время главным фактором (не)доверия российских граждан местным органам власти был воспринимаемый уровень коррупции на местах. Во-вторых, мы установили, что бедные домохозяйства оказывались наиболее лояльными по отношению к российскому президенту группами населения, и объяснили данный феномен активной перераспределительной политикой федеральных властей. В-третьих, на микроуровне мы обнаружили существенную положительную связь политического доверия с межличностным доверием. В заключение даны рекомендации относительно эффективного управления политическим доверием в современной России. ; The aim of this study is to analyze and assess the impact of institutional factors on political trust in various levels of government (federal, regional and local) in modern Russia. Data and methods. The study is based on microdata from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) "Life in Transition Survey" (LiTS). We examined such institutional factors of political trust as perceived government performance and level of corruption, as well as the level of interpersonal trust. The subjective decile of household wealth was an additional explanatory variable in our analysis. We estimated the model parameters using linear regressions with instrumental variables. Results and their application. First, we found that in 2016 the perceived effectiveness of the federal government was the main determinant of Russian trust in the president. At the same time, the perceived level of local corruption was a major factor of Russian citizens' (mis)trust in local authorities. Second, we found that poor households turned out to be the most loyal groups of the population towards the Russian president, and we explained this phenomenon by the active redistributive policy of the federal authorities. Third, we revealed a significant positive relationship between political and interpersonal trust at the micro level. In conclusion, we made recommendations on the effective management of political trust in modern Russia.

The article explores new tasks of political education in the complex of social studies subjects and their standardization in connection with new tasks for the formation of personality and citizen in the process of learning and socialization. The formation of the worldview of schoolchildren is mainly realized in the subjects of the socio-scientific cycle — history, social studies, geography. It is necessary to update the sections included in social science, taking into account fundamental scientific directions and certain disciplines that study problems of social development. This approach makes it possible to explain and argue real social practices in the learning process, to show the role and importance of a sovereign state as an institution of political and socio-economic life. It is proposed to significantly advance the positive agenda of the Russian state in the educational process, based on national values in the field of social policy, to supplement the relevant sections of socio-scientific subjects with the study of the problems of modern areas of political education. The article proposes a new structure for studying the subject areas of social studies and the transition in high school to mono-subject teaching.

This article is an attempt to form a methodological foundation to explore the process of symbolic constructioning of reality in the political systems in a state of democratic transition. From the author's point of view, such transit systems differ with the phenomenal features of transitional type of sign-symbolic context. There are the most significant of them: the confrontation of symbols of old and new, and the formation of public anxiety due to violation of the established values (significant symbols). The result of these processes is the emergence of the conditions for increasing capacity of perception of new symbols (re-symbolization), transmigration of symbolic forms, the appearance of spontaneous symbolic interactions in the community in the form of political protests, rallies, and panic. In this regard, it is necessary to understand the possibilities of the productive management of the collective consciousness in transit period to achieve mental solidarity of concrete society with democratic values. To perform this task, author develops the appropriate tools, which are based on the phenomenological theory, the Schutz's theory of the constitution of the multiple realities, the philosophy of symbolic forms of E. Cassirer, the theory of social construction of P. Berger and T. Luckmann, as well as Lotman's semiotic concept. It is concluded that in the collision of alternative symbolic projects of social order it is advisable to resort to controlled symbolization (the production of special symbolic codes of political legitimation). At the same time it is important to understand the mechanisms of auto- symbolization of the society (changing of mass consciousness by virtue of the progressive development of the political culture of people). Careless use of these technologies in the countries with non-consolidated democracy may become a factor of destabilization and formation of the conditions for authoritarian rollback. ; В данной статье предпринята попытка сформировать некий методологический фундамент, позволяющий предметно изучить процесс символического конструирования реальности в политических сис­темах, которые находятся в состоянии демократического транзита. С точки зрения автора, подобные транзитные системы отличаются рядом феноменальных особенностей знаково-символического контекста переходного типа, наиболее значительными из которых выступают конфронтация символов нового и старого и формирование общественного беспокойства в силу нарушения устоявшихся значений (значимых символов). Результатом этих процессов становится возникновение условий для повышения потенциала восприятия новых символов (ре-символизация), трансмиграция символических форм, появления спонтанных символических интеракций в обществе в виде политических протестов, митингов, паники. В связи с этим возникает необходимость понимания, каким образом может осуществляться продуктивное управление коллективным сознанием на этапе перехода, чтобы достичь ментальной солидаризации общества с демократическими ценностями. На выполнение этой задачи разрабатывается соответствующий инструментарий, в основу которого легли феноменологическая теория, теория конституирования множественных реальностей А. Шюца, философия символических форм Э. Кассирера, теория социального конструирования П. Бергера и Т. Лукмана, а также семиотическая концепция Ю. Лотмана. ; В данной статье предпринята попытка сформировать некий методологический фундамент, позволяющий предметно изучить процесс символического конструирования реальности в политических сис­темах, которые находятся в состоянии демократического транзита. С точки зрения автора, подобные транзитные системы отличаются рядом феноменальных особенностей знаково-символического контекста переходного типа, наиболее значительными из которых выступают конфронтация символов нового и старого и формирование общественного беспокойства в силу нарушения устоявшихся значений (значимых символов). Результатом этих процессов становится возникновение условий для повышения потенциала восприятия новых символов (ре-символизация), трансмиграция символических форм, появления спонтанных символических интеракций в обществе в виде политических протестов, митингов, паники. В связи с этим возникает необходимость понимания, каким образом может осуществляться продуктивное управление коллективным сознанием на этапе перехода, чтобы достичь ментальной солидаризации общества с демократическими ценностями. На выполнение этой задачи разрабатывается соответствующий инструментарий, в основу которого легли феноменологическая теория, теория конституирования множественных реальностей А. Шюца, философия символических форм Э. Кассирера, теория социального конструирования П. Бергера и Т. Лукмана, а также семиотическая концепция Ю. Лотмана.