Suchergebnisse

by Shum Wai Chuen. ; Thesis (M.S.W.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. ; Bibliography: leaves [128]-[131] ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iv ; ABSTRACT --- p.v ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.viii ; CHAPTER ; Chapter I --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Rationale of the Study --- p.1 ; Research Objectives --- p.7 ; Chapter II --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.8 ; Meaning of Pol itical Socialization --- p.8 ; Political Orientations-- Content of Political Socialization --- p.12 ; Acquisition Process of Political Orientations --- p.14 ; Agents of Political Socialization --- p.18 ; Participation Theory of Democracy and Apprenticeship Training --- p.19 ; "Feeling of Political Efficacy, Sense of Civic Obligation and Political Participation" --- p.23 ; Local Related Research --- p.25 ; Summary --- p.27 ; Chapter III --- HYPOTHESES AND DEFINITIONS --- p.29 ; Hypotheses --- p.29 ; Definitions of Variables --- p.31 ; Chapter IV --- RESEARCH METHODOLOGY --- p.37 ; Research Design --- p.37 ; Population --- p.33 ; Sampling --- p.39 ; Data Collection --- p.40 ; Instrument --- p.41 ; Data Analysis --- p.42 ; Validity and Reliability --- p.43 ; Pretest --- p.44 ; Limitations --- p.44 ; Chapter V --- FINDINGS : A DESCRIPTION OF THE SAMPLE AND THE MAJOR VARIABLES --- p.46 ; Profile of Respondents --- p.46 ; Social Participation --- p.53 ; Feeling of Political efficacy and Sense of Civic Obligation --- p.63 ; Political Participation --- p.71 ; Chapter VI --- FINDINGS : AN EXPLORATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE HYPOTHESES OF THIS STUDY --- p.78 ; Hypotheses of This Study --- p.78 ; Social Participation and Political Attitudes --- p.79 ; Political Attitudes and Political Participation --- p.91 ; Chapter VII --- "SUMMARY OF FINDINGS,CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION" ; Summary of Findings --- p.95 ; Conclusion --- p.101 ; Discussion --- p.104 ; APPENDICES ; Chapter I --- QUESTIONNAIRE (Chinese version ) ; Chapter II --- QUESTIONNAIRE (English version) ; BIBLIOGRAPHY

The distinction between political left and right has been blurred through the years in western countries and probably more so in Israel. Using a national random sample of high school students, this study is an investigation of which political attitudes distinguished between right and left in Israel. In addition, the influence of religiosity and socioeconomic status on political identification was explored. The findings show that right and left attitudes are demonstrated in diametrically opposite ways with reference the extent of land compromises that should be made with the Arab countries. The more positively one scores on religiosity scale the stronger the identification with the right. On the other hand, despite the leftis claim of being pro labor and the Champion of the working classes, it appears that the lower the socio-economic Status the stronger the identification with the right rather than, as might have been expected, the left. The implication of the findings are discussed. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Der Unterschied zwischen politisch linken und politisch rechten Orientierungen ist in den meisten westlichen Ländern, besonders in Israel, in den letzten Jahren unklar geworden. In dieser Studie werden auf der Basis einer Zufallstichprobe von Schülerinnen und Schülern der Oberstufe politische Einstellungsunterschiede herausgearbeitet. Zusätzlich wird der Einfluss religiöser Orientierungen und der sozioökonomische Status auf die politische Orientierung in Israel untersucht. Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Unterschiede zwischen linken und rechten Einstellungen vor allem Blick auf territoriale Kompromisse gegenüber den arabischen Ländern bestehen. Auch Religiosität hat einen starken Einfluss, indem sie direkt mit der politischen Rechtsorientierung zusammenhängt. Je niedriger der sozioökonomische Status, desto stärker ist die Identifizierung mit der politischen Rechten. Diese Tendenz ist auffällig, weil die politische Linke sich intensiv um die Zustimmung von sozial benachteiligten Gruppen bemüht. Die Implikationen der Untersuchungsergebnisse werden ausführlich diskutiert. (DIPF/Orig.)

Since the days of Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois, the argument has flourished relative to the value of vocational education for Black youth. This study, using data from the "High School and Beyond 1980 Sophomore Cohort Third Follow-Up (1986)" survey, investigated three basic areas, namely: (a) the demographic, personological, and educational profile of Black youth enrolled in vocational education, and the manner in which this profile varied in relation to their vocational concentration patterns, (b) the profile of these youth in terms of their employment outcomes, educational expectations, and civic and political participation > practices after completion of their secondary schooling, according to their concentration patterns, and (c) the changes over time among these youth within their vocational concentration patterns, with regard to aptitude, educational and vocational expectations, and employment status. Major findings of this study have been presented for the students by concentration patterns. Some of the major overall findings were: Students with greater concentration in vocational education course work tended to come from urban areas, the southern region of the United States, and the lowest socioeconomic status quartile. Both educational and occupational expectations were unrealistic in terms of Standardized test performance and grades. A large percentage waS not in the labor force and a very small percentage was participating in civic or political activities. Findings for outcome and change over time variables were presented for the three vocational participation patterns, Concentrators, Limited Concentrators, and Samplers. ; Ed. D.

Dealing with cultural action and associative intervention of Luso-African youth in Portugal, I will draw some hypothesis about young women participation within the associative movement. I first describe the social and political framework that set the emergence of the immigrants' associative movement in order to focus on the ethnic mobilisation of Luso-African youth, linking cultural identity to their strategies of political participation (a concept used in a broader sense). ; Partiendo de la acción cultural del asociacionismo de los jóvenes luso-africanos en Portugal, formularé algunas hipótesis sobre la participación de las jóvenes en el movimiento asociativo. Describiré primero el marco sociopolítico en el que se inserta la emergencia del movimiento asociativo de los inmigrantes, para pasar después a detenerme en la movilización étnica de los jóvenes luso-africanos, entrelazando la identidad cultural con sus estrategias de participación política (un concepto utilizado en un sentido amplio).

Defence date: 13 June 1996 ; Examining Board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Geraint Parry (University of Manchester) ; Prof. Antonio Schizzerotto (Università di Trento) ; Prof. Yossi Shavit (EUI, co-supervisor) ; First made available online: 26 September 2016

Letter from Stephen Hayden, National Youth Organiser, Workers party Youth ,to members of branches advertising the upcomming position of National Youth Organiser.

Between 1986 and 1999, radical and far-reaching changes occurred in Croatia, which were presumed to have considerably affected the changes in the attitudes and behavioral patterns of the young. To perceive these changes more clearly, we need a reminder of Croatia in the middle 1980's and at the end of the past century. At the time of the first research, Croatia was, along with Slovenia, the most developed republic in the former state, the Socialist Federate Republic of Yugoslavia. Its ethnic composition was relatively heterogeneous since almost a quarter of the population did not belong to the majority - Croatian. The political system, like in rest of Yugoslavia, was normatively defined as self-management socialism. The ideological and political postulates this political system was based on included, among others, the brotherhood and unity of (the constitutional) nations and ethnic groups, social ownership, workers' self-management, a social and class conflict-free society guaranteeing a relatively high minimum of social rights (employment, and through this it, health and retirement insurance, and even the right to public housing), and on the monopoly of the Communist Party authority, as the working class's "avant-garde" and the main promoter of the cult of J. Broz Tito. This totalitarian society, during the mid 1980's, faced an economic and political crisis that constantly deepened after Tito's withdrawal from the political arena. The disappearance of the autocratic party and state leader, who was the unquestionable political authority and arbiter for almost four decades, hastened the surfacing of, what had been up to then, suppressed antagonisms as well as non-dogmatic ideas. It was actually a period of a certain political liberalization, visible in the decreasing of ideological pressures and in the questioning of the socialist project as the best possible form of social and political system for a community, but also in the escalation of national conflicts that would, in the end, bring about the disillusion of ...

A lecture paper on problems confronting young people in Zimbabwe. ; According to a UNESCO, 1978 document, there are many complex problems confronting young people today. The role of the youth in society, in my view, can best be understood in the context of these various problems facing the youth. The problems can be viewed in the context of operating structures (eg economic, political, social and cultural)* and their interrelationships with each other. In order to put the discussion in its proper perspective therefore, it is necessary to commence by providing a brief overview of some of the major problems faced by the youth in society today.

Following their furtive emergence in the 1960ies, children and youth town councils have develloped in France mostly since the 1980ies. This phenomenon has been studied from the sociological point of view, referring to Pierre BOURDIEU's systematic theory of the habitus and the field. Through the analysis of the representations and the characteristics of 75 agents issuing from the local political field, to put in place youth councils is demonstrated as being political strategies and are, therefore, submitted to some determinisms depending on their reference space. The representations of the agents about youth councils relate to antagonistic models homologically connected to their political adherences. They are also determined by their age and their relationship with children and youth in their family, professional and association life. The social meaning of the political recourse to youth is to be related to the crisis of politics which is perceptible through the increasing abstentionism, the distrust of people towards politicians, and the rise of the Front National. Thus the establishment of youth councils appears as a search, by the local representatives, for an increase in their representativity and for a reinforcement of the established political order and of the democratic values from which their legitimity derives. Children and youth, owing to their political innocence, may avoid criticism to the representatives who set them up and may incarnate political commitment in its noblest form. This strategy is all the more efficient as it denies its political stake. Under the cover of teaching citizenship, youth councils realise a sensibilisation to the elementary rules of political game and to their acceptation. The promoters of youth councils only duplicate existing forms of democracy although they sometimes think they invent new forms. ; Après une apparition furtive dans les années 60, les conseils municipaux d'enfants et de jeunes se sont principalement développés depuis les années 80 en France. Le phénomène a ...

The attitudes of young people in Croatia to human rights and duties form the subject of analysis in this text. Perception of human rights was analysed as a universal value for respondents, as a constitutional principle of the political and social system and as a goal (priority) of Croatian politics. The analysis is based on the results of empirical research conducted in 1999 with a representative sample of 1700 young people aged 15 to 29, from the whole of Croatia. The results indicate that human rights represent a very significant social value for the greater part of the young (88%). The results also show that, in the formation of young people's attitudes toward human rights and the evaluation of their realisation, the dominant influence belongs to their political orientation (measured through their party preference) and the social-cultural status of the young (the participant's level of education, place of residence, parental education, etc.). Unlike the supporters of right-wing political options, the sympathizers with social-democratic and liberal options accept human rights to a higher degree and are more critical toward the level of their realization in Croatia.

New cosmopolitan local communities, in Stockholms multi‐ethnic suburb's as in other European cities, harbour the preconditions for the transgression of narrow social and cultural borders. Here, in a dynamic interplay and articulation of tradition and modernity, the antagonisms and struggles of the past are connected with the present dilemmas and ordeals of the immigrant experience, producing new amalgamated forms of cultural expression and political alternatives.

From a health care point-of-view, the most needy adolescents in the United States are those who become incarcerated in the juvenile justice system. These youngsters have poor health care before incarceration is not much better. Their health problems range from the results of trauma to the consequences of sexual activity to severe psychological problems. Their health needs include: (1) prevention of health problems which contribute to behaviors for which youths are incarcerated; (2) comprehensive assessment and care; (3) continuity of care after discharge from the institutions; (4) comprehensive health education and health promotion; (5) professional, competent health care providers; (6) educated, sympathetic administrators and supervisory personnel; and (7) adequate financing of health services. Concerned health providers must become advocates for these adolescents and for their health care in correctional and political settings.

The thesis of the chapter is that young people's cultural production offers an understudied inroad to understanding the dilemmas facing modern youth. The thesis is verified through analysis based on a three-year media ethnography on 14-17-year old Danes' video making practices. Main findings document that cultural production is a particular means of political expression and not an alternative to political activism.

This article examines the ways in which young people use the resources which news media provide as a means of gaming access to the world of adult and political discourse, and to the public sphere. The concept of the public sphere is used here both as a critical tool of cultural analysis, and as a measure of democratic communications. Given the lamentable lack of any formal political education in the national curriculum of British schools, the question of how young people make the transition from dependent children in the family to active citizens in the political arena, and in the public sphere, is posed rather sharply. For minority youth, in particular, questions of nationality, ethnicity and active citizenship assume even greater importance especially when limited access to the resources required for active participation in the political process and public sphere effectively denies them full citizenship. However, although British schools are doing little, in a formal sense, to help to induct students into the public sphere, it will be argued that some minority ethnic youth, especially those with the necessary cultural and educational capital, are doing it for themselves through their appropriation of the resources that news media provide them. This is not to say that schools should neglect political education. This article assesses the relevance of Habermas' notion of the public sphere for the kinds of everyday communicative activities that young British Asians engage in as part of their informal talk about news media. In doing so it is hoped that as educators we might be in a better position to assist young people in their self-empowerment by gaining insight into the informal, collaborative, pedagogic strategies devised by youth themselves, outside the confines of the classroom and beyond the constraints of teacher-led curricular, in order to understand and act in/upon the world. The article will address the following questions: to what extent can the everyday debates that young people conduct about news events, political affairs, and public issues be considered to constitute an initiation into the public sphere, or even an embryonic mini-public sphere nesting on the margins? What is the potential significance of the notion of a transnational public sphere for minority ethnic youth whose sense of national belonging and identity in their country of settlement may be threatened by racism and discrimination, and whose strengest identifications may transcend national cultural boundaries? What role can and should educators play in assisting their pupils to participate in a plural public sphere of democratic communication in a multicultural and increasingly transnational society? (DIPF/Orig.) ; Dieser Artikel beschreibt ethnographisch, wie jugendliche Angehörige von Migranten aus dem Pandschab (Indien) in London Fernsehnachrichtensendungen nutzen, um einen Zugang zu der Welt der Erwachsenen zu erreichen und zu deren politischem Diskurs. Das Habermassche Konzept der Öffentlichkeit wird in diesem Beitrag als kritisches Instrument sowohl der Kulturanalyse als auch der demokratischen Kommunikation verwendet. Weil das Curriculum der Britischen Schulen keinerlei formale politische Bildung vorsieht, wird besonders der Frage nachgegangen, wie junge Menschen den Übergang aus der Abhängigkeit innerhalb der Familie zu aktiven Bürgern in der politischen Arena und in der Öffentlichkeit bewältigen. Für eine jugendliche Minderheit haben besonders die Fragen der Nationalität, der Ethnie und des aktiven Bürgertums eine größere Bedeutung, insbesondere dann, wenn ihnen der Zugang zu diesen Mitteln, zur Teilnahme am politischen Prozeß und der Öffentlichkeit erschwert und damit auch die volle Einbürgerung verweigert wird. Wenngleich britische Schulen formal wenig tun, um Schüler in die öffentlichen Belange einzuführen, kann gezeigt werden, daß besonders Schüler, die schon mit einer entsprechenden kulturellen Bildung ausgestattet sind, die Angebote nutzen, die ihnen die Nachrichtenmedien zugänglich machen; was nicht heißen sollte, daß Schulen die politische Bildung vernachlässigen können. Dieser Beitrag beurteilt die Relevanz von Habermas' Konzept der Öffentlichkeit für die Arten alltäglicher Kommunikation, die junge Asiaten benutzen, wenn sie sich allgemein und informell über die Nachrichten unterhalten. Dabei wird davon ausgegangen, daß es für Erziehende ratsam ist, die jungen Menschen in ihrer Eigentätigkeit zu unterstützen, Einblicke in die informellen, kollaborativen und pädagogischen Strategien zu erlangen, die die Jugend anwendet, um zu einem Verständnis zu gelangen, wie sie in der bzw. für die Welt tätig sein könnte. Der Artikel will folgenden Fragen anregen: In welchem Ausmaß können die Diskussionen, die von jungen Leuten geführt werden, über Auswirkungen von Nachrichten, Politik und öffentlicher Belange als Anregungen für die Öffentlichkeit angesehen werden, oder sogar schon als Keimzelle einer Mini-Öffentlichkeit, die sich am Rand etabliert hat? Was kann die Vorstellung von einer transnationalen Öffentlichkeit potentiell bedeuten für eine sich in der Minderheit befindliche ethnische Jugend, deren Sinn für nationale Zugehörigkeit und Identität in ihrer Wahlheimat bedroht wird durch Rassismus und Diskriminierung, und deren Identifizierungsmöglichkeiten die nationalen kulturellen Grenzen zu überschreiten in der Lage wäre? Welche Aufgabe obliegt Erziehenden, Jugendlichen dabei zu helfen, in einer multikulturellen und zunehmend transnationalen Gesellschaft an einer vielfältigen demokratischer Kommunikation teilzunehmen? (DIPF/Orig.)

This report addresses concerns about gender inequalities, democracy and deteriorating urban living conditions in Zambia. It presents a study of the reality facing youth born and raised in a peri-urban area, George compound in Lusaka. Changes in political and community organisation and deteriorating living conditions affect young women and men differently, and gender relations have to be re-negotiated. The report voices the youths' concerns about their family situation and gender identity. Male gender identities based on breadwinning and sexual activity become problematic in times of unemployment and HIV. Young women tie their identity to motherhood, but some of those who get an education aim for a working career and relative independence before marriage. Existing gender inequalities are challenged but often recycled in slightly different forms. ; CONTENTS -- Methodology and presentation of informants -- Living conditions—houses and environment -- Politics in transition -- Urban life and identities -- Households in transition -- Marriage and power -- Sexuality, knowledge, and gender identity -- In conclusion: Changing gender relations